Tag Archives: IRA

3rd August – Deaths & Events in Northern Ireland Troubles

3rd  August

Key Events & Deaths on this day in Northern Ireland Troubles

Tuesday 3 August 1976

The Irish Republican Army (IRA) carried out a series of six bomb attacks on Portrush, County Antrim.

Monday 3 August 1981

 Liam McCloskey, then an Irish National Liberation Army (INLA) prisoner, joined the hunger strike.

Sunday 3 August 1997

Nationalist residents of Newtownbutler, County Fermanagh, protested against a Royal Black Preceptory march in the village.

The parade was escorted by Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) officers in riot gear. Six people were injured in disturbances.

The Claudy Bombing

The 25th anniversary of the bombing of Claudy, County Derry was marked in the village when approximately 1,500 people attended an open air service

See Claudy Bombing

Although no group claimed responsibility for the explosions it was widely believed that the Irish Republican Army (IRA) had planted the three car bombs in the village which resulted in the deaths of nine people. Inadequate warnings were given about the bombs.

Monday 3 August 1998

In the first break-through of its kind, Nationalists and Loyalists in Derry reached an agreement over the Apprentice Boys march in the city planned for 8 August 1999.

The agreement came after three days of shuttle (indirect) negotiations between the parties. [However, there were some minor disturbances following the march.]

Tuesday 3 August 1999

Security sources confirmed that the Irish Republican Army (IRA) was considered responsible for the death of Charles Bennett on 30 July 1999.

Republican sources claimed he was killed to pacify hardliners over decommissioning and the lack of political progress.

Friday 3 August 2001

The Ardchomhairle of Sinn Féin held a meeting to consider the party’s response to the British and Irish governments’ Implementation Plan. The meeting took place in County Louth, Republic of Ireland.

The Ardchomhairle is comprised of 41 members, including Gerry Adams, then President of SF, Mitchel McLaughlin, then Chairman, Pat Doherty, then Vice-President, and Martin McGuinness.

Sinn Féin rejected Monday’s deadline and said that the party needed to see the detail and guarantees on policing reform and demilitarisation.

In the days following the meeting SF said it needed to see more detail on policing, demilitarisation and criminal justice before it could support the package.

 3rd August   2010

Óglaigh na hÉireann claimed responsibility for detonating a 200 lb car bomb outside Strand Road PSNI station in Derry.

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Remembering all innocent victims of the Troubles

Today is the anniversary of the death of the following people killed as a results of the conflict in Northern Ireland

“To live in hearts we leave behind is not to die

– Thomas Campbell

To the innocent on the list – Your memory will live forever

– To the Paramilitaries –

There are many things worth living for, a few things worth dying for, but nothing worth killing for.

10  People lost their lives on the 3rd of August between 1972  – 1992

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03 August 1972

William Clark,   (34) nfNI
Status: British Army (BA),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Killed attempting to defuse bomb discovered by side of road, Urney, near Clady, County Tyrone.

See: The Long Walk 

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03 August 1972

Robert McCrudden,   (19)

Catholic
Status: Irish Republican Army (IRA),

Killed by: British Army (BA)
Shot during gun battle, Hooker Street, Ardoyne, Belfast.

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03 August 1973
James Farrell,  (50) nfNIRI
Status: Civilian (Civ),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Shot, during armed robbery, while delivering wages to British Leyland factory, Cashel Road, Crumlin, Dublin.

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 03 August 1974

Martin Skillen, (21)

Catholic
Status: Irish Republican Army (IRA),

Killed by: British Army (BA)
Shot from British Army (BA) undercover observation post in Clonard cinema building, Falls Road, Belfast.

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 03 August 1974
Charles McKnight,   (25)

Protestant
Status: Civilian (Civ),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Killed by booby trap bomb when he entered the cab of his employer’s lorry, parked outside house, Ballycraigy, Newtownabbey, County Antrim.

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 03 August 1976
Alan Watkins,   (20) nfNI
Status: British Army (BA),

Killed by: Irish National Liberation Army (INLA)
Shot by sniper while on British Army (BA) foot patrol, Dungiven, County Derry.

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03 August 1979
Whilliam Whitten  (65)

Protestant
Status: Civilian (Civ),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Died six weeks after being injured in bomb attack on Marine Hotel, Ballycastle, County Antrim. He was wounded on 19 June 1979. Inadequate warning given.

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 03 August 1980
William Clarke, (59)

Protestant
Status: Ulster Defence Regiment (UDR),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Off duty. Shot while travelling in his car along laneway, Gortnessy, near Pettigoe, County Donegal.

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 03 August 1988

Raymond McNicholl,  (30)

Protestant
Status: Ulster Defence Regiment (UDR),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Off duty. Shot by sniper, while driving his car to work, Desertcreat Road, near Cookstown, County Tyrone.

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03 August 1992
Damian Shackleton,   (24) nfNI
Status: British Army (BA),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Shot by sniper while on British Army (BA) mobile patrol, Duncairn Avenue, New Lodge, Belfast.

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2nd August – Deaths & Events in Northern Ireland Troubles

2nd August

Key Events & Deaths on this day in Northern Ireland Troubles

 

Monday 2 August 1976

Cornelius Neeson (49), a Catholic civilian, was killed with an axe as he walked home along the Cliftonville Road, Belfast. Members of he Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) gang known as the ‘Shankill Butchers’ were responsible for the killing.

See Shankilll Butchers Documentary

2 August 1978

Roy Mason, then Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, announced that a sports car factory would be built in West Belfast and would mean 2,000 new jobs. The new factory was seen as a breakthrough in securing American investment in Northern Ireland.

 

However the DeLorean factory required a British investment of £56 million out of a total of £65 million. At the time a number of commentators expressed reservations about the potential success of the venture and indeed the business did fail with the loss of substantial public funds.

Thursday 2 August 1979

Two British soldiers were killed by the Irish Republican Army (IRA) in a landmine attack at Cathedral Road, Armagh.

These deaths brought the total number of British Army soldiers killed in Northern Ireland since 1969 to 301.

A Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) officer was shot dead by the IRA in Belfast.

Sunday 2 August 1981

Eighth Hunger Striker Died

Kieran Doherty (25) died after 73 days on hunger strike. Doherty was a member of the Irish Republican Army (IRA) and had been elected as a Teachta Dáil (TD) during the general election in the Republic of Ireland on 11 June 1981.

   

John Smyth & Andrew Wood

Two Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) officers were killed in a landmine attack carried out by the Irish Republican Army (IRA) in Loughmacrory, near Omagh, County Tyrone.

Sunday 2 August 1992

Two bombs, each estimated at 200 pounds, exploded in Bedford Street, Belfast. Extensive damage was done to buildings in the area.

Hugh Annesley, Chief Constable of the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC), issued a statement on the Channel 4 programme entitled ‘The Committee’ broadcast on 2 October 1991. Annesley stated that there was no truth to the allegations.

Tuesday 2 August 1994

According to a report in the Irish Press (a Dublin based newspaper) on 8 August 1994 a meeting took place on 2 August between representatives of the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) and those of the Ulster Freedom Fighters (UFF), a cover name (pseudonym) used by the Ulster Defence Association (UDA).

At that meeting it was decided that Loyalist paramilitaries would continue with their campaigns of attacking Catholics irrespective of any future Irish Republican Army (IRA) ceasefire.

Friday 2 August 1996

U.V.F Logo

In a statement the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) announced that the Portadown unit of the Mid-Ulster Brigade was to disband. The statement also said that activities of the Portadown unit would be investigated.

Sinn Féin (SF) denied organising boycotts of Protestant businesses in rural areas of Northern Ireland.

Since the stand-off at Drumcree some nationalists had been boycotting Protestant businesses in Armagh, Castlederg, Lisnaskea, Omagh and Pomery.

Nationalists claimed that the business people had taken part in Orange roadblocks during the stand-off.

Thursday 2 August 2001

Amateur footage of the explosion

Bomb Explosion in London

Republican paramilitaries carried out a car bomb attack in the Ealing area of London. The explosion occurred just before midnight and caused six injuries and some damage to property. A telephone warning was received at 11.33pm (2333BST) but the area was still being cleared when the explosion happened.

The bomb (estimated at 40 kilograms of home-made explosives) was thought to have been planted by the “real” Irish Republican Army (rIRA).

Police in London criticised the warning as being imprecise as to the location; the warning referred to ‘Ealing Broadway Road’ instead of ‘The Broadway, Ealing’ .

 

Edward_Daly_Bloody_Sunday

Former soldiers who were involved in the shootings in Derry on ‘Bloody Sunday’, 30 January 1972, announced that they would seek a judical review of a ruling by the Inquiry that they must give their evidence in Derry rather than in Britain.

The soldiers had won an earlier ruling allowing them to retain anonymity when giving evidence.

See Bloody Sunday

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Remembering all innocent victims of the Troubles

Today is the anniversary of the death of the following people killed as a results of the conflict in Northern Ireland

“To live in hearts we leave behind is not to die

– Thomas Campbell

To the innocent on the list – Your memory will live forever

– To the Paramilitaries –

There are many things worth living for, a few things worth dying for, but nothing worth killing for.

11 People lost their lives on the 2nd August  between 1975 – 1988

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02 August 1975

George McCall, (22)

Protestant

Status: ex-Ulster Defence Regiment (xUDR),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)

Shot while walking near his home, Moy, County Tyrone.

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02 August 1976

Cornelius Neeson,  (49)

Catholic

Status: Civilian (Civ),

Killed by: Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF)

Died a short time after being found badly beaten, at the junction of Manor Street and Cliftonville Road, Belfast.

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02 August 1978

John Lamont, (21)

Protestant

Status: Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)

Shot from passing car, while on Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) foot patrol, George Street, Ballymena, County Antrim.

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02 August 1979

Paul Reece, Paul (18) nfNI

Status: British Army (BA),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)

Killed in land mine attack on British Army (BA) mobile patrol, Cathedral Road, Armagh.

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02 August 1979

Richard Furminger , (19) nfNI

Status: British Army (BA),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)

Killed in land mine attack on British Army (BA) mobile patrol, Cathedral Road, Armagh.

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02 August 1979

Derek Davidson, (26)

Protestant

Status: Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)

Shot by sniper when Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) patrol lured to scene of bogus robbery, Clondara Street, Falls, Belfast.

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02 August 1981

Kieran Dohert (25)

Catholic

Status: Irish Republican Army (IRA),

Killed by: not known (nk)

Also Teachta Dala. Died on the 73rd day of hunger strike, Long Kesh / Maze Prison, County Down.

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02 August 1981

John Smyth , (34)

Protestant

Status: Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)

Killed in land mine attack on Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) mobile patrol, Loughmacrory, near Omagh, County Tyrone.

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02 August 1981

Andrew Wood, (50)

Protestant

Status: Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)

Killed in land mine attack on Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) mobile patrol, Loughmacrory, near Omagh, County Tyrone

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02 August 1988

John Warnock, (45)

Protestant

Status: Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)

Killed by booby trap bomb attached to his car outside Lisburn Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) base, County Antrim.

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02 August 1988

  Roy  Butler (29)

Protestant

Status: Ulster Defence Regiment (UDR),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)

Off duty. Shot while in Park Shopping Centre, Donegall Road, Belfast.

1st August – Deaths & Events in Northern Ireland Troubles

 

1st August

Key Events & Deaths on this day in Northern Ireland Troubles Claudy Bomb

Friday 1 August 1975

James Marks

 Two Catholic civilians, Joseph Toland (78) and James Marks (42), died as a result of a gun attack on a minibus near Gilford, County Down. Marks died from his injuries on 7 January 1976.

No group claimed responsibility but ‘Lost Lives’ (2004; p614) records: “the attack …, according to reliable loyalist sources, was carried out by the UVF”.

Lt Gen David Leakey.jpg

David House, then a Lieutenant-General in the British Army, replaced Frank King as General Officer Commanding (GOC) of the army in Northern Ireland.

Tuesday 1 August 1978

 Tomás Ó Fiaich, Catholic Primate of Ireland, who had paid a visit to Republican prisoners in the Maze Prison on 30 July 1978, issued a statement saying that the prisoners engaged in the ‘blanket protest’ where living in ‘inhuman’ conditions.

At this stage of the ‘blanket protest’ over 300 Republican prisoners were refusing to wear prison clothes or follow normal prison regulations. This protest was an attempt to secure a return of special category status for people convicted of politically motivated crimes.

Wednesday 1 August 1979

The United States (US) State Department halted a private firearms shipment to Northern Ireland. The shipment also included firearms that were intended for the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC). The RUC later purchased the arms from West Germany instead.

This decision by the US State Department was brought about by a campaign to try to bring pressure on the British government to undertake a new political initiative in Northern Ireland to find a solution to the conflict.

The campaign was headed by the so-called ‘Four Horsemen’ who were: ‘Tip’ O’Neill, then Speaker of the House of Representatives, Edward Kennedy, then a Senator, Daniel Moynihan, then a Senator, and Hugh Carey, then Governor of New York. Previously the US had been uncritical of British policy in Northern Ireland and these developments were to prove worrying for the British

Saturday 1 August 1981

Seventh Hunger Striker Died

Kevin Lynch (25) died after 71 days on hunger strike. Lynch was a member of the Irish National Liberation Army (INLA).

See 1981 Hungry Strikes

Monday 1 August 1988

An Irish Republic Army (IRA) bomb killed one soldier and injured nine at an army barracks in London. It was the first IRA bomb in Britain since the ‘Brighton’ bombing on 12 October 1984.

Friday 1 August 1997

Stewart Hunter (24), a Protestant civilian, was found dead at the side of a road near his home near Larne, County Antrim.

It was believed that Loyalist paramilitaries were responsible for the killing

Saturday 1 August 1998

Thirty-three civilians and two members of the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) were injured when a car bomb, estimated at 500 pounds, exploded in Banbridge, County Down.

Extensive damage was also caused in the explosion that was later claimed by the “real” Irish Republican Army (rIRA).

The government in the Republic of Ireland took the decision to release six Irish Republican Army (IRA) prisoners from Portlaoise Prison. [Unionists reacted angrily to the announcement.

Sunday 1 August 1999

In the aftermath of the killing of Charles Bennett on 30 July 1999, John Bruton, then Leader of Fine Gael, called upon Bertie Ahern, then Taoiseach (Irish Prime Minister), to make “an authoritative statement” on the relationship between Sinn Féin (SF) and the Irish Republican Army (IRA).

 

Wednesday 1 August 2001

Implementation Plan Published and Bomb At Belfast Airport

British Army technical officers defused a car-bomb was left in the main car park at Belfast International Airport. There had been an initial warning at 5.00am (0500BST) but security forces were unable to locate the bomb. Following a second warning the vehicle was found close to the main terminal building.

The car park was closed but flights in and out of the airport were not affected. The “real” Irish Republican Army (rIRA) was thought to have been responsible for the attack.

The British and Irish governments published their Implementation Plan for the Good Friday Agreement. The document addressed the remaining issues of policing, normalisation, stability of the institutions, and decommissioning of paramilitary weapons.

The political parties were given until Monday 6 August 2001 to give their response to the proposals. The funeral of Gavin Brett (18), who had been shot dead by Loyalist paramilitaries on 29 July 2001, took place at Carnmoney Parish Church. Nigel Baylor (Rev), then Church of Ireland rector, said that those responsible for the killing “have done nothing but bring shame on the name of Protestantism

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Remembering all innocent victims of the Troubles

Today is the anniversary of the death of the following people killed as a results of the conflict in Northern Ireland

“To live in hearts we leave behind is not to die

– Thomas Campbell

To the innocent on the list – Your memory will live forever

– To the Paramilitaries –

There are many things worth living for, a few things worth dying for, but nothing worth killing for.

6 People lost their lives on the 1st August   between 1972 – 2001

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01 August 1973

Peter Wilson, (21)

Catholic

Status: Civilian (Civ),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)

Abducted somewhere in the St. James area, Belfast. His remains eventually found by information supplied anonymously, buried in land at foreshore, Waterfoot, County Antrim, on 2 November 2010.

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01 August 1975

Joseph Toland,  (78)

Catholic

Status: Civilian (Civ),

Killed by: non-specific Loyalist group (LOY)

Shot during gun attack while travelling in mini bus, near Gilford, County Down.

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01 August 1975

James Marks,  (42)

Catholic

Status: Civilian (Civ),

Killed by: non-specific Loyalist group (LOY)

Shot during gun attack while driving mini bus, near Gilford, County Down. He died 7 January 1976.

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01 August 1976

John Bovaird, (33)

Protestant

Status: Civilian (Civ),

Killed by: Ulster Defence Association (UDA)

Shot at his home, Annalee Street, Lower Oldpark, Belfast. Lived with Catholic family.

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01 August 1981

Kevin Lynch, (25)

Catholic

Status: Irish National Liberation Army (INLA),

Killed by: Hunger Striker

Died on the 71st day of hunger strike, Long Kesh / Maze Prison, County Down.

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01 August 1988

Michael Robbins, (23) nfNIB

Status: British Army (BA),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)

Killed in time bomb attack on Inglis British Army (BA) base, Mill Hill, London. 

29th July Deaths & Events in Northern Ireland Troubles

29th July

Key events & Deaths on this day in Northern Ireland Troubles

Thursday 29 July 1976

Three Catholic civilians were killed as a result of a bomb attack on Whitefort Inn, Andersonstown Road, Belfast. The attack was carried out by Loyalist paramilitaries.

An off-duty RUC officer was killed by a British soldier following an argument at a check point in Bessbrook, County Armagh.

Wednesday 29 July 1981

Representatives from Sinn Féin (SF) and the Irish Republican Socialist Party (IRSP) visited those taking part in the hunger strike. SF and the IRSP suggested that the strike be suspended for three months to allow time to monitor prison reforms. This suggestion was rejected by the hunger strikers and Republican prisoners.

Merlyn Rees, then Secretary of Sate for Northern Ireland, said in the House of Commons that there had been no contacts between government officials and Sinn Féin (SF) since the beginning of the year.

Thursday 29 July 1982

Margaret Thatcher, then British Prime Minister, stated that, “no commitment exists for Her Majesty’s government to consult the Irish government on matters affecting Northern Ireland”.

Monday 29 July 1985

The Irish Republican Army (IRA) exploded a large van bomb in the centre of Belfast and caused damage to the Magistrates’ Court.

Monday 29 July 1991

Rhonda Paisley, then a Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) councillor and daughter of Ian Paisley, said that the bomb attacks the previous day by the Ulster Freedom Fighters (UFF) were “perfectly understandable” given the “betrayal” of Northern Ireland by the British government.

Wednesday 29 July 1992

Three of the four people known as the ‘UDR (Ulster Defence Regiment) Four’ were released from prison following the quashing of their convictions. The court had heard that Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) notes of the confessions had been tampered with. The fourth member, Neil Latimer, was not released because there was other evidence against him.

Friday 29 July 1994

The Irish Republican Army (IRA) carried out a mortar attack on a Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) station in Newry, County Down. Over 40 people were injured in the attack.

Monday 29 July 1996

Agreement on procedures for talks was reached at the Stormont talks. There was no movement on the setting of the agenda for substantive talks.

Wednesday 29 July 1998

 Rhonda Paisley daughter of Ian Paisley, then leader of the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP), was awarded £24,249 by Northern Ireland’s Fair Employment Tribunal. It ruled that she had been discriminated against after being turned down for the post of Arts Co-operation Officer.

Thursday 29 July 1999

A man, in his mid-50s and from the USA, was arrested by Garda Síochána (the Irish police) in Clifden, County Galway, in connection with a suspected conspiracy to smuggle arms into the State. Earlier, Gardaí discovered a two handguns and a quantity of ammunition in a parcel at the SDS postal depot on the Naas Road in Dublin.

In Fort Lauderdale, three Irish people arrested in connection with the conspiracy were refused bail by a Federal Court judge. A prosecution lawyer for one of the men, Conor Anthony Claxton, said he described himself as “a member of the Irish Republican Army”.

Gerry Adams, then President of Sinn Féin (SF), said the current setback in the peace process was “not a blip but the possible meltdown of the political conditions that led to the Agreement”. However it was announced that SF would take part in the Mitchell Review of the Agreement.

Chinook helicopter Crash

‘Channel 4 News’ and ‘Computer Weekly’ both made claims that there was a “cover up” by the Ministry of Defence (MOD) of the true reasons for the Chinook helicopter crash on the Mull of Kintyre on 2 June 1994.

 

The crash resulted in the deaths of 29 security force and intelligence personnel. While the MOD insisted that pilot error was to blame it emerged that the computer navigation equipment on the helicopter was at the centre of a legal dispute between the MOD and the suppliers of the equipment and software.

See Chinook helicopter Crash

Sunday 29 July 2001

Loyalists Kill Protestant Teenager

Gavin Brett (18), a Protestant civilian, was killed by the Ulster Defence Association (UDA) in a ‘drive-by’ shooting in Glengormley, County Antrim. Brett was hit by automatic gunfire in a random attack as he stood with Catholic friends outside a Gaelic Athletic Association (GAA) club on the outskirts of Glengormley, near Belfast.

The Red Hand Defenders (RHD), a cover name used by members of the UDA, claimed responsibility for the killing.

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Remembering all innocent victims of the Troubles

Today is the anniversary of the death of the following people killed as a results of the conflict in Northern Ireland

“To live in hearts we leave behind is not to die

– Thomas Campbell

To the innocent on the list – Your memory will live forever

– To the Paramilitaries –

There are many things worth living for, a few things worth dying for, but nothing worth killing for.

8 People lost their lives on the29th July  between 1972 – 2001

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29 July 1972

Daniel Dunne,  (19)

Catholic

Status: Civilian (Civ),

Killed by: Ulster Defence Association (UDA)

Shot outside his home, Blackwood Street, off Ormeau Road, Belfast.

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29 July 1974

John Murdock, (45)

Protestant

Status: Civilian (Civ),

Killed by: not known (nk)

Shot from passing car while walking along Shore Road, near Fortwilliam Crescent, Belfast.

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29 July 1974

 Ann Ogilby, (31)

Protestant

Status: Civilian (Civ),

Killed by: Ulster Defence Association (UDA)

Found beaten to death beside M1 motorway, Stockman’s Lane, Belfast.

See spotlight below for more details on this brutal murder.

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 29 July 1976

George Johnston,  (24)

Protestant

Status: Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC),

Killed by: British Army (BA) Off duty.

Shot while travelling in car at British Army (BA) Vehicle Check Point (VCP), Bessbrook, County Armagh.

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29 July 1976

Daniel McGrogan, (27)

Catholic Status: Civilian (Civ),

Killed by: non-specific Loyalist group (LOY)

Killed in bomb attack on Whitefort Inn, Andersonstown Road, Andersonstown, Belfast.

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29 July 1976

Joseph Watson,  (65)

Catholic

Status: Civilian (Civ),

Killed by: non-specific Loyalist group (LOY)

Killed in bomb attack on Whitefort Inn, Andersonstown Road, Andersonstown, Belfast

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 July 1976

Thomas Hall,  (62)

Catholic

Status: Civilian (Civ),

Killed by: non-specific Loyalist group (LOY)

Injured in bomb attack on Whitefort Inn, Andersonstown Road, Andersonstown, Belfast. He died 8 September 1976

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29 July 2001

Gavin Brett,  (18)

Protestant

Status: Civilian (Civ),

Killed by: Red Hand Defenders (RHD)

Shot from passing car, while standing with friend, near to St. Enda’s GAA Club, Hightown Road, Glengormley, near Belfast, County Antrim. Assumed to be a Catholic.

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Uncertain if conflict-related

 July 2006

Ronald Mackie (36) nfNI

Status: Civilian (Civ),

Killed by: Unknown (loyalist) From Scotland; travelled to Northern Ireland to attend an Orange Order parade. Involved in a dispute at a disco at Tobermore United Football Club, Tobermore, near Magherafelt, County Derry. Badly assaulted by a gang of men and left on a road where he was hit by a passing car. [There was media speculation that the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) was responsible for the killing.]


Spotlight

Ann Ogilby

Murder of Ann Ogilby

Ann Ogilby murder
Anne Ogilby.jpg

Victim Ann Ogilby
Location Warwick’s Bakery, 114 Hunter Street, Sandy Row, south Belfast, Northern Ireland
Date 24 July 1974
16.00 BST
Attack type
Punishment beating
Weapons Bricks, sticks
Deaths 1 Protestant civilian
Perpetrator Sandy Row women’s UDA unit

Few murders have shocked and appalled me more than  the brutal killing of Ann Ogilby , an innocent women killed by the UDA and all those involved are a disgrace to the loyalist community of Northern Ireland.

The murder of Ann Ogilby, also known as the “Romper Room murder”,  took place in Sandy Row, south Belfast, Northern Ireland on 24 July 1974. It was a punishment killing, carried out by members of the Sandy Row women’s Ulster Defence Association (UDA) unit.

At the time the UDA was a legal Ulster loyalist paramilitary organisation. The victim, Ann Ogilby, a Protestant single mother of four, was beaten to death by two teenaged girls after being sentenced to a “rompering” (UDA slang term for a torture session followed by death) at a kangaroo court.

Ogilby had been having an affair with a married UDA commander, William Young, who prior to his internment, had made her pregnant. His wife, Elizabeth Young, was a member of the Sandy Row women’s UDA unit. Ogilby had made defamatory remarks against Elizabeth Young in public regarding food parcels. Eight weeks after Ogilby had given birth to Young’s son, the women’s unit decided that Ogilby would pay for both the affair and remarks with her life.

The day following the kangaroo court “trial”, they arranged for the kidnapping of Ogilby and her six-year-old daughter, Sharlene, outside a Social Services office by UDA man Albert “Bumper” Graham.

A group of UDA women then followed the minibus which brought Ogilby and Sharlene to a disused bakery in Hunter Street, Sandy Row; this empty building had been converted into a UDA club and “romper room”. After Sharlene was sent by Graham to a shop to buy sweets, Ogilby was made to sit on a bench and a hood placed over her head.

Two teenagers, Henrietta Cowan and Christine Smith, acting on the orders previously given them by the unit’s leader, Elizabeth “Lily” Douglas, proceeded to savagely beat Ogilby to death with bricks and sticks. As Ogilby screamed and pleaded for her life, Sharlene, who had already returned from the shop, overheard her mother being beaten and killed.

A later autopsy report revealed that Ogilby had sustained 24 blows to the head and body, 14 of which caused a “severe fracture to the bulk of the skull”.

Within weeks of the killing, ten women and one man were arrested in connection with the murder. They were convicted in February 1975. All but one, a minor whose sentence was suspended, went to prison.

The murder caused widespread revulsion, shock and horror throughout Northern Ireland and remained long in the public psyche even at a time when bombings and killings were daily occurrences. The Ann Ogilby murder was investigated by the Historical Enquiries Team (HET) which was established by the Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI) to investigate the most controversial killings carried out during the Troubles.

Events leading to the murder

Ann Ogilby

On a date that has not been firmly established, Ann Ogilby (born c.1942/1943 and sometimes referred to as Anne Ogilby),  a young Protestant woman moved to Belfast from Sion Mills, County Tyrone. She was one of 13 children from a poor family.

Described as a “very attractive girl with dark-brown silky hair and blue eyes”, and a slender figure, she embarked on a transient lifestyle, regularly changing her address and employment. The jobs she held were mostly low-paid positions in offices and shops,  and she was often evicted for failing to pay the rent.  Her striking good looks made her popular with men.

In about 1968 she became a single mother, having been made pregnant by a married British soldier stationed in Northern Ireland who had abandoned her and their child after he was transferred to another duty station. She started socialising with a rough crowd and in August 1972, she met William Young, a married high-ranking member of the then-legal Ulster Defence Association (UDA) and began living with him in south Belfast.

Young came from the loyalist Donegall Pass area and was a local UDA commander. He told Ogilby his marriage had already broken up and that his divorce hadn’t been finalised. Ogilby by that time had three children each by a different partner: Sharlene, Stephen and Gary. The boys had been put up for adoption after their birth, leaving only the eldest child, her daughter Sharlene, in her care.

When Young was interned inside the Maze Prison in 1973, she often visited him where he complained that his estranged wife, Elizabeth never sent him food parcels, despite her having been provided with money by the Loyalist Prisoners’ Association (LPA). The LPA was unaware of the Young couple’s estrangement.

The delivery of food parcels by women to imprisoned members was a long-established practice by the UDA and a “particular source of pride for the organisation”. Ogilby was required to make up and send him the food parcels herself which she felt was an imposition as these had to come out of her own money, although she was almost destitute.

When Ogilby mistakenly repeated Young’s complaint in a Sandy Row pub, the local Sandy Row women’s UDA unit (of which Elizabeth was a member) overheard her words and became violently angry; especially as Elizabeth was able to prove that she had been sending her husband food parcels.

Ogilby’s comments were regarded by the women’s UDA as a grievous insult to its integrity as the unit was responsible for the assembly and distribution of the parcels. The group was already antagonistic due to Ogilby’s affair with Young, and her defamatory remarks only added fuel to their wrath.

The women considered her behaviour in public immoral, ostentatious, and extremely unconventional because she frequented clubs and pubs on her own instead of with female friends which was the custom in Sandy Row. Furthermore, they believed her loud and independent personality, status as an unmarried mother, and habit of what was described by a local as “flaunting herself” was a cultural infraction that brought shame upon their community.

Sandy Row, south Belfast, where loyalist paramilitaries have always had a strong presence since the early days of the Troubles

Social milieu

Sandy Row is an Ulster Protestant working-class enclave just south of Belfast city centre closely affiliated with the Orange Order whose 12 July parades are gaudy, elaborate events made notable by the traditional Orange Arches erected for the occasion.

Prior to late 20th-century urban redevelopment beginning in the 1980s, rows of 19th-century terraced houses lined the streets and backstreets that branched off the main commercial thoroughfare. Loyalist paramilitaries have always had an active presence there since the early days of the Troubles. By 1974, the violent ethno-political conflict waged between the Protestant loyalists/Unionists and Catholic nationalists/republicans was six years old and showed no sign of abating; bombings, shootings, sectarian murders, intimidation, security alerts and military patrols were a daily feature of life in Belfast and the rest of Northern Ireland.

There was no family in loyalist, working-class areas of Belfast that remained unscathed by the Troubles or insusceptible to the effects of the disorder, tension and carnage.  The Provisional Irish Republican Army (IRA)’s bombing campaign had escalated sharply in 1972 and began to increasingly target Belfast city centre, often with lethal consequences such as Bloody Friday on 21 July 1972 when the IRA had exploded 22 bombs across the city, killing nine people and injuring over 100. This necessitated the erection of steel gates, manned by the British Army, thus effectively putting a security cordon or “ring of steel” around the city centre.

This resulted in people from both the Protestant and Catholic communities retreating further into their segregated neighbourhoods that rapidly fell under the sway of local paramilitary groups who exerted a strong influence in their respective districts. These groups also assumed the role of policing their communities and rooting out what they described as anti-social elements. In the February 1974 edition of Ulster Loyalist, a UDA publication, the UDA warned that it intended to take firm action against teenaged criminals and vandals in the Sandy Row and Village areas.

Robert Fisk, Belfast correspondent for The Times between the years 1972-75, regarded the Sandy Row UDA as having been one of the most truculent of all paramilitary outfits in Belfast. Their bellicose stance over the street barricades they erected during the Ulster Workers Council Strike in May 1974 almost led them into direct confrontation with the British Army and had even made preparations to fight if the latter had smashed the UDA roadblocks.

The Sandy Row UDA’s commander during this volatile period was Sammy Murphy who used as his headquarters the local Orange Hall. In addition to Sandy Row, Murphy had overall command of the South Belfast UDA and was referred to as a community leader in the Army’s press releases although his name and paramilitary affiliation were not mentioned.

To defuse the explosive situation, Murphy engaged in talks with the Army which proved successful. According to journalists Henry McDonald and Jim Cusack, the Sandy Row and Donegall Pass UDA were almost completely out of control by this time; both the male and female members were caught up in violence, drunkenness and already inured to beatings and killings. Drinking clubs or shebeens where alcohol was obtained cheaply, were common features in the area.

Author David M. Kiely suggested that by this stage the women’s unit was more about gangsterism and mob rule than adhering to a political cause.

The Sandy Row unit was not the only women’s unit within the UDA. There was a particularly active women’s group on the Shankill Road which had been established by Wendy “Bucket” Millar as the first UDA women’s unit.

A number of the members were highly visible due to the beehive hairstyles they typically wore.  Although each unit was independent of the others,  Jean Moore and later Hester Dunn served as the overall leaders of the UDA’s women’s department at the UDA headquarters in Gawn Street, east Belfast.

Tanya Higgins and Nancy Brown Diggs observed in their book Women Living in Conflict that the loyalist paramilitary women were “angrier and more militant” than their male counterparts. Another analysis was provided by Sandra McEvoy in her report Women Loyalist Paramilitaries in Northern Ireland:

Duty, Agency and Empowerment – a Report from the Field in which she suggested that by joining paramilitary groups like the UDA, loyalist women were provided with a sense of freedom and personal and political power that had previously been denied them in the domestic sphere; furthermore by taking up “the gun”, the women proved they were willing to go to prison for their beliefs and loyalist cause.

The commander of the Sandy Row women’s unit was Elizabeth “Lily” Douglas, described by Kiely as having revered power above everything else in her life. The middle of three daughters, she was born and raised in an impoverished working-class family. She married at the age of 17 and had four children. By 1974, Douglas (aged 40) who lived in a terraced house in Sandy Row’s City Street had a criminal record dating back over ten years for various offences which included smuggling, forgery, assault, inflicting bodily harm and running a brothel.

Kangaroo court

On 23 July 1974, eight weeks after Ogilby gave birth to a premature son, Derek, fathered by Young, five UDA women, including her lover’s wife Elizabeth Young (32), Kathleen Whitla (49, the second-in-command), Josephine Brown (18), Elizabeth Douglas (19), led by the latter’s mother, commander Elizabeth “Lily” Douglas, abducted Ogilby from a friend’s house in the Suffolk housing estate. They took her back to Sandy Row and put her before a kangaroo court held inside the disused Warwick’s Bakery in 114 Hunter Street between Felt Street and Oswald Street, which had been converted into a UDA club.  Ogilby had often frequented the club with Young on previous occasions prior to his internment; according to Kiely she had enjoyed the company of the other patrons and being part of the camaraderie of loyalists “against the Fenians”.

A total of eight women and two men presided over this “trial”; Elizabeth Young, however, had by then absented herself as she was not part of Douglas’ “Heavy Squad”. The “Heavy Squad” were the members of the Sandy Row women’s UDA unit who meted out punishment beatings by Douglas’ orders. Ogilby was grilled for an hour over her affair with Young and regarding her calumnies over the food parcels. At some stage, Douglas told her, “We have rules here. We all stick to them and I expect anybody new to do the same”. Ogilby was additionally informed that if found guilty, she would be subjected to a “rompering”. The notorious UDA “romper rooms” had been invented in the early 1970s by UDA North Belfast Brigadier Davy Payne.

Named after the children’s television programme, these “romper rooms” were located inside vacant buildings, warehouses, lock-up garages, and rooms above pubs and drinking clubs. Once inside, a victim would be “rompered” (beaten and tortured) before being killed. Although most of the victims were Catholics, many Protestants were also consigned to the “romper rooms”.

Despite the UDA women having found Ogilby guilty, the two UDA men present at the “trial” couldn’t reach a verdict and gave orders that she be released. The women drove her to the Glengall Street bus station where she got on a bus headed for the YWCA hostel she had moved to on the Malone Road. The women then “rearrested” her. It was alleged that this decision came about after she sarcastically remarked in reference to Douglas, “Who does she think she is? The Queen?” which had freshly infuriated Douglas and the others.

Blocking the bus as it pulled out of the station into the street, Douglas and her “Heavy Squad” then boarded the bus and dragged her off into the waiting car for a further grilling. Minutes later, after being alerted by the bus station staff, the car was stopped by the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC). Although Douglas claimed they were on their way to a party, the querying policeman told the women about the report of one of them having been forced off the bus. In an attempt to mollify Douglas,[3] Ogilby then spoke up admitting that she was the person who had been removed from the bus but that “It was nothing. Just a couple of us fooling around”.

The police however remained unconvinced of their claims and the eight women and Ogilby were taken into the RUC Queen Street station for questioning. All of the women were asked for their names and addresses; the majority lived in the Sandy Row area.  Fearing the grisly fate that typically befell informers, Ogilby did not say anything to the RUC about the UDA kangaroo court or threats against her. Therefore, she and the eight other women were released without being charged the following morning at 2.00 a.m.

Ogilby returned to the police station a few hours later, visibly frightened, but was sent home in a taxi after refusing to give the reason for her distress. That same day inside a Sandy Row pub, Douglas told the other women that Ogilby was a troublemaker who had to die, and she speedily made arrangements to facilitate the murder.

“Romper room” beating

That same Wednesday 24 July 1974 at 3.30 p.m., outside the Social Services office in Shaftesbury Square, Ogilby and her daughter were kidnapped by 25-year-old UDA man Albert “Bumper” Graham, while members of Elizabeth Douglas’ “Heavy Squad” waited at the nearby Regency Hotel lounge bar overlooking the office. They knew beforehand that Ogilby had an appointment that afternoon at the Shaftesbury Square office. Using the pretext that a UDA commander wished to speak with her, Graham was able to abduct Ogilby and her daughter Sharlene as they left the office; Ogilby, taken in by Graham’s words, willingly got into his blue minibus.

Having made a pre-arranged signal to the watching women, Graham drove the two females away to the UDA club in Hunter Street, Sandy Row, which had been turned into a “romper room”. When the UDA women, led by Douglas, arrived on the scene, Ogilby tried to escape, but was grabbed and forcibly detained. After Graham sent Sharlene to a corner shop to buy sweets, Ogilby was ordered by Douglas to be dragged inside the former bakery and forced upstairs to the first floor where she was made to sit on a wooden bench, blindfolded and a hood placed over her head.

By this stage, Ogilby was so intimidated and terrorised by the “Heavy Squad”, she no longer put up any resistance. Sunday Life newspaper suggested that she was bound to a chair instead of a bench. Ciarán Barnes, a journalist writing for the paper, had conducted an interview with Sharlene Ogilby in 2010  . Retired RUC detective, Alan Simpson, who devoted a chapter to the Ann Ogilby murder in his 1999 book Murder Madness: True Crimes of The Troubles, however affirmed that Ogilby was forced by her captors to sit on a wooden bench. Although hooded and blindfolded, her hands remained untied.

Acting under earlier instructions by Douglas, who had remained downstairs, to give Ogilby a “good rompering”,  two members of the “Heavy Squad”, teenagers Henrietta Cowan (17) and Christine Smith (16), both of whom were wearing masks, proceeded to attack Ogilby. Cowan punched her forcefully in the face, knocking her to the floor.

Ogilby was then kicked in the face, head, and stomach by both girls before blows from sticks were rained down upon her. When the two teenagers began battering Ogilby’s face and head with bricks,  Albert Graham and “Heavy Squad” member Josephine Brown (who was also masked), saw Ogilby’s blood splotching the hood and realising things had gone too far, started to panic and remonstrated with the girls to discontinue the beating.  Cowan and Smith did stop to smoke cigarettes and make plans to attend a disco that evening.  Simpson suggested that during the attack, Ogilby had placed her hands inside the hood in a futile attempt to protect her face from the force of the bricks.

Meanwhile, Ogilby’s daughter, Sharlene, had returned from the shops; she entered the club, climbed the stairs to the first floor and began banging on the door and crying for her mother. Although by this stage Ogilby had sustained severe head injuries from the brutal assault, Sharlene heard her screaming and pleading with her assailants for mercy while they danced to blaring disco music. Ignoring the injured woman’s pleas for her life and Sharlene’s cries, Henrietta Cowan, once again wielding a brick, resumed beating Ogilby on the head with renewed vigour until she lay dead on the floor. T

he beating session had lasted for over an hour. Ogilby received (according to the later autopsy report) a total of 24 blows to the head and body with a blunt object, 14 of which had caused “a severe fracture to the bulk of the skull”.

Albert Graham took Sharlene out of the building and drove her back to the YWCA hostel; as he left her on the doorstep he reassured the little girl that her mother was inside waiting for her. Sharlene was looked after by the hostel staff until she was placed in the care of the Social Services. Back at the UDA club, Cowan removed the bloodstained hood and saw by her appalling head wounds and badly-bruised, disfigured face that Ann Ogilby was obviously dead; the body was then wrapped up in a brown sack and carried downstairs. The killers went to have a drink with Elizabeth Douglas to whom they recounted the details of the fatal beating as she had remained on the ground floor the entire time. Afterwards, Cowan and Smith got dressed up and went out to the disco as planned.

Aftermath

The M1 motorway at Stockman’s Lane close to where Ann Ogilby’s body was found

 

Douglas arranged for the body’s disposal and unnamed UDA men later loaded it onto a van and dumped it in a ditch in Stockman’s Lane near the M1 motorway.  It was discovered five days later on 29 July by motorway maintenance men. The RUC were immediately called to the scene which was then photographed and mapped. Ogilby, clad in a red jumper, grey trousers and wearing just one shoe, was lying on her back partly submerged in 18 inches of stagnant water with her blackened and battered face visible and her arms outstretched. Her missing shoe and a large brown sack were discovered not far away from her body at the top of the ditch.

There were no identifying documents found on her. The press, along with local television and radio news bulletins, released details regarding her physical appearance and the distinctive rings on her fingers. Hours later, a social worker from the Shaftesbury Square Social Services office, who had been scheduled to meet with Ann Ogilby on 24 July, contacted the RUC telling them that Ogilby and her daughter Sharlene had arrived at the office late for the appointment but left without explanation before the social worker could speak with Ann. She informed the RUC that Ogilby had not been seen since that afternoon.[8] The social worker was then taken to the mortuary where she confirmed that the dead woman inside was Ann Ogilby. One of Ogilby’s brothers later positively identified her .  The police were told Sharlene was in the care of Social Services.

Due to the location of the body, the murder investigation was allocated to the RUC B Division (West Belfast), based at the Springfield Road station where CID Detective Alan Simpson served. He formed part of the CID team set up to investigate the Ogilby killing.

After Sharlene was located in a children’s home, she was interviewed by a female detective; she clearly remembered the events of 24 July. It was arranged for Sharlene to accompany three CID detectives in a car to Sandy Row and she was able to direct them to the disused bakery in Hunter Street. A Scenes of Crime Officer was sent to the scene to examine the building’s interior and collect the evidence. Forensics later showed that the bloodstains police detectives found on the floor and on the items retrieved from inside the UDA club matched Ogilby’s blood group.

Documents were also found on the premises bearing William Young’s name. By that time the suspects had already been rounded up and taken in for interrogation. These were the eight women who had been inside the car with Ogilby on the evening of 23 July following the fracas outside the Glengall Street bus station.

Ann Ogilby’s grave at Umgall Cemetery.

 

Ogilby, aged 31 or 32 at the time of her death, was buried in Umgall Cemetery, Templepatrick, County Antrim. Her children Sharlene and Derek were put into care. The Ogilby family received only £149 compensation from the State to cover her funeral expenses.

It was later revealed that Ogilby had planned to relocate to Edinburgh, Scotland as soon as her infant son, Derek, was released from hospital (on account of his premature birth).

Reactions

Ogilby’s murder caused widespread revulsion and shock throughout Northern Ireland, even though it had taken place during the most turbulent period of the Troubles when bombings and sectarian killings had become commonplace. The Protestant community was especially appalled that Ogilby, herself a Protestant, had become a victim of loyalist violence and angrily denounced the UDA for allowing it to happened .

Journalist Ciarán Barnes described it as being one of the most brutal murders of the Troubles; adding that its sheer savagery and the fact that it was carried out by women against another woman within earshot of her child has left a lasting impression upon the public psyche. The UDA leadership had not sanctioned the killing;  and there was general condemnation from the UDA prisoners inside the Maze Prison.

According to Ian S. Wood, the UDA’s commander, Andy Tyrie had not sufficient control over the many units that comprised the UDA to have been able to prevent the punishment beating from being carried out. A spokesman for the UDA released a statement condemning the killing and the women’s unit that carried it out which was first published in the Irish Times on 8 February 1975:

“We have completely disowned them [Sandy Row women’s UDA]. We think the whole affair was foul and sickening. Ogilby was cleared by the UDA of an allegation about her private life long before she was killed.

The killing was an act of jealousy by a group of women.”

Following the Ogilby attack, the Sandy Row women’s UDA unit was permanently disbanded by the UDA leadership. None of the other UDA women’s units had consented to or been aware of the fatal punishment beating until it was reported in the news. Additionally, the Sandy Row women’s unit notwithstanding, UDA “romper rooms” were more commonly used by male members of the organisation than by their female counterparts..

Journalists Henry McDonald and Jim Cusack described Ogilby’s death as typical of the “brutish … culture” that dominated the UDA and other paramilitary groups in Northern Ireland. In reference to this attack and other cases of “rompering”, the authors argue that “rape and the beating and humiliation of women in working-class Belfast was as routine as gunfire but was subsumed in the maelstrom of violence engulfing the North”.

Convictions

Former Armagh Women’s Prison. Ann Ogilby’s killers were imprisoned here after being convicted of her murder. Albert Graham was sent to the Maze

 

Within weeks of the killing, the RUC had arrested ten women and one man in connection with the murder; this group contained Douglas’ entire “Heavy Squad”.  Most of the women were unemployed and at least three had male relatives imprisoned for paramilitary offences. On 6 February 1975 at the Belfast City Commission, teenagers Henrietta Cowan and Christine Smith pleaded guilty to murder. They were now aged 18 and 17 respectively. Characterised as having been “without feeling or remorse”, they were convicted of carrying out the murder and sentenced to be detained at Armagh Women’s Prison for life at the pleasure of the Secretary of State.

Smith was not the only member of her family to be involved in loyalist paramilitary activity. Her elder brother, prominent South Belfast UDA member Francis “Hatchet” Smith (28), was shot dead in Rodney Parade, off Donegall Road, by the IRA in January 1973 after he, as part of a UDA unit, gunned down Peter Watterson, a 15-year-old Catholic boy, in a drive-by sectarian shooting at the Falls Road/Donegall Road junction.

A roofer by trade who was married with one child; despite his wife having been Catholic  he was the local UDA commander in the Village area where he lived.

Described to the court as the leader of the Sandy Row women’s UDA unit, Elizabeth Douglas (Sr), who had ordered the fatal punishment beating, pleaded guilty to manslaughter. The charge of murder was withdrawn on the grounds that she had not actually intended for her “Heavy Squad” to kill Ann Ogilby and  she was subsequently sentenced to ten years imprisonment inside Armagh Prison.

She received two further sentences (which were to run concurrently with her 10 years) of three years each, for intimidation and detaining Ogilby against her will. The exact motive for the murder was not established in court.  During police interrogation, Douglas maintained that Ogilby’s killing was the result of a personal vendetta, stating “It was not a UDA operation, they had nothing to do with it. It was just a move between a lot of women, a personal thing”. In his book The Protestants of Ulster which was published in 1976, Geoffrey Bell stated that the women murdered her as punishment for her affair with William Young.

Henry McDonald and Jim Cusack suggested that jealousy and blood lust were the motives for the murder. The others received lesser sentences: Albert Graham and Josephine Brown, after pleading guilty, were sentenced to three years imprisonment on charges of being accessories after the fact and causing grievous bodily harm to Ann Ogilby; the Crown withdrew the murder charge against the pair after recognising their attempt to prevent Cowan and Smith from continuing with the fatal beating.

The unit’s second-in-command, Kathleen Whitla was given two years for intimidation; Maud Tait (21), Anne Gracey (28), Elizabeth Douglas, Jr (19) and Marie Lendrum (23), were all sentenced to 18 months imprisonment for intimidation, and an unnamed 16-year-old was given an 18-months suspended sentence for intimidation. The convictions resulted in the largest single ingress of loyalist women into a Northern Ireland prison

Denouncing the UDA, the trial judge, Mr. Justice McGonigle stated, “What appears before me today under the name of the UDA is gun law, a vicious, brutalising organisation of persons who take the law into their own hands and who, by kangaroo courts and the infliction of physical brutality, terrorise a neighbourhood through intimidation”.[13] During the trial, it emerged that plans to kill Ogilby had been formulated by the UDA unit several months before her kangaroo court “trial” .

Douglas was lambasted by Justice McGonigle, “You ordered and directed the punishment of this girl. You chose and chose well those who were to carry out your directions. When you heard what had happened you organised the cover-up and disposal of the body. Your concern was that these happenings should not come to light. You were the commander of these women; your responsibility was great. You are no stranger to crime. You have a record of smuggling, forgery, assault and actual bodily harm and aiding and abetting the keeping of a brothel. Though the last of these was in 1961 it is an indication of your character.”

The Northern Irish press dubbed Elizabeth Douglas “the Sandy Row executioner”.

Later years

Sharlene Ogilby later married and has three children of her own. After her mother’s murder she was taken to live in Sion Mills by an uncle and aunt. For a while she had kept in touch with her brother Gary but has since lost contact; however she has no knowledge of what happened to her other brothers Stephen and Derek.

Elizabeth “Lily” Douglas died shortly after being released from Armagh Prison on compassionate grounds in 1979; Kathleen Whitla is also deceased. Henrietta Cowan and Christine Smith were both released from Armagh in December 1983 after serving nine years. They returned to the Sandy Row area. Loyalist sources claimed Smith “deeply regretted” the part she played in Ogilby’s murder. Graham, following his release from prison, also returned to south Belfast. To the present day he has steadfastly refused to discuss the murder. The rest of the women involved in Ogilby’s murder are to date living in Sandy Row or the Village. William Young died in 2007.

The disused bakery in Hunter Street has since been demolished.

Belfast poet Linda Anderson wrote a poem, “Gang-Bang Ulster Style”, based on the Ogilby killing. It was published in the August 1989, no. 204 edition of Spare Rib. Ann Ogilby’s murder also featured in a Gavin Ewart poem entitled, “The Gentle Sex (1974)”.

The murder was investigated by the Historical Enquiries Team (HET), which was established by the PSNI to inquire into the most controversial deaths perpetrated during the Troubles.

28th July – Deaths & Events in Northern Ireland Troubles

28th July

Key events & Deaths on this day in Northern Ireland Troubles

Saturday 28 July 1984

Martin Galvin, then leader of NORAID (Irish Northern Aid Committee), was banned from entering the United Kingdom (UK).

[Despite the ban Galvin appeared at rallies in Derry (9 August 1984) and Belfast (12 August 1984) where a Catholic civilian was killed by the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC).]

Monday 28 July 1986

The Irish Republican Army (IRA) issued a statement threatening any civilians who worked for the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) or the British Army (BA).

On 30 July 1986 the IRA killed a civilian contractor who worked for the RUC. On 5 August 1986 the IRA issued a further threat to people working with the security

Sunday 28 July 1991

The Ulster Freedom Fighters (UFF) exploded seven incendiary devices in shops in the Republic of Ireland.

Friday 28 July 1995

The British government transferred three Republican prisoners involved in a ‘dirty’ protest at Whitemoor Prison in Cambridgeshire to prisons in Northern Ireland. Four other prisoners continued with their protest at Whitemoor.

This brought the number of prisoners transferred to Northern Ireland to 21.

Patrick Mayhew, then Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, lifted a fund-raising ban on organisations suspected of having paramilitary links. The ban had been imposed 10 years earlier.

Monday 28 July 1997

James Coopey (26) from County Down was charged with the murder of James Morgan on 24 July 1997.

[Later a second man was also charged with the killing.]

Tuesday 28 July 1998

The Northern Ireland (Sentences) Act became law. The legislation allowed for the early release of paramilitary prisoners. Only prisoners who were members of organisations that were observing ceasefires could benefit from the legislation. Marjorie (Mo) Mowlam, then Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, declared that the Irish Republican Army (IRA), Ulster Defence Association (UDA), and the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF), were inactive.

[There was criticism of this decision by those who highlighted continuing violence by these organisations.]

Ronnie Flanagan, then Chief Constable of the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC), announced that the Union Flag would not be flown outside RUC stations on public holidays.

 

Flanagan said that this would bring RUC policy on the matter into line with the rest of the United Kingdom (UK). [Some Unionists reacted angrily to the announcement.

As part of a government reshuffle of ministerial posts, John McFall replaced Tony Worthington at the Northern Ireland Office (NIO).

Wednesday 28 July 1999

Marjorie (Mo) Mowlam, then Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, retained her position in a British government reshuffle that left all but one member of Tony Blair’s cabinet in place. Mowlam had earlier briefed journalists that she wanted to stay in post to complete the Good Friday Agreement. Peter Robinson, then deputy leader of the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP), called the decision “a disaster”, however, Nationalists welcomed the development.

Relatives of the 14 men shot dead and 13 people wounded by British soldiers in Derry on 30 January 1972 expressed disappointment at an Appeal Court ruling that the soldiers who opened fire would not be named during the proceedings of the Bloody Sunday Inquiry.

——————————————

Remembering all innocent victims of the Troubles

Today is the anniversary of the death of the following people killed as a results of the conflict in Northern Ireland

“To live in hearts we leave behind is not to die

– Thomas Campbell

To the innocent on the list – Your memory will live forever

– To the Paramilitaries –

There are many things worth living for, a few things worth dying for, but nothing worth killing for.

4  People lost their lives on the 28th  July between 1972 – 1998

——————————————

28 July 1972

Seamus Cassidy, (22)

Catholic

Status: Irish Republican Army (IRA),

Killed by: British Army (BA)

Died one day after being shot by sniper while sitting in parked car outside Starry Plough Bar, New Lodge Road, Belfast.

————————————————————–

28 July 1972

Philip Maguire,  (55)

Catholic

Status: Civilian (Civ),

Killed by: non-specific Loyalist group (LOY)

Found shot in his firm’s van, Carrowreagh Road, Dundonald, Belfast.

————————————————————–

28 July 1979
James McCann,  (20)

Catholic
Status: Civilian (Civ),

Killed by: Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF)
Shot while walking along Obins Street, Portadown, County Armagh.

————————————————————–

28 July 1988

Michael Matthews,  (37) nfNI

Status: British Army (BA),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)

Died one day after being injured during land mine attack on British Army (BA) / Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) foot patrol, Cullyhanna, County Armagh.

25th July – Deaths & Events in Northern Ireland Troubles

Key Events & Deaths on this day in Northern Ireland Troubles

25th July

Monday 25 July 1983

The Goodyear tyre company announced that it was closing a plant in Craigavon, County Armagh with the loss of 800 jobs.

Wednesday 25 July 1984

James Prior, then Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, said “I don’t think parliament or Westminster or Great Britain is particularly concerned about the [New Ireland] Forum Report”.

Thursday 25 July 1991

The case of the ‘Ulster Defence Regiment (UDR) Four’ was referred to the Court of Appeal by Peter Brooke, then Secretary of State for Northern Ireland.

[The four soldiers had been convicted of the murder of Adrian Carroll on 8 November 1983.]

Friday 25 July 1997

The Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) uncovered eight ‘coffee-jar bombs’ near Pomeroy, County Tyrone. Garda Síochána (the Irish police) discovered 20 handguns that were being smuggled into the port of Dublin.

[Security sources claimed that the guns were intended for Official Republicans based in the area of Newry, County Down.]

Bertie Ahern, then Taoiseach (Irish Prime Minister), held a meeting in Dublin with John Hume, then leader of the Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP), and Gerry Adams, then President of Sinn Féin (SF).

The three men issued a joint statement in which they said that a settlement is possible “only with the participation and agreement of the Unionist people”.

Full Statment

Joint statement issued by Bertie Ahern, then Taoiseach, John Hume, then leader of the Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP), and Gerry Adams, then President of Sinn Féin (SF) on 25 July 1997, following a meeting in Dublin.

“We are all committed to the achievement of lasting peace and reconciliation on this island based on justice and equality.

All-party engagement in inclusive political dialogue at this time is needed for the purpose of achieving agreement between all sections of the Irish people. We reiterate that we are totally and absolutely committed to exclusively democratic and peaceful methods of resolving our political problems. We recognise that ultimately we can resolve this problem only with the participation and agreement of the Unionist people.

All three of us endorse the principles set out in the Report of the New Ireland Forum and those that were agreed in the Forum for Peace and Reconciliation. The challenge is to find the structures that will protect and accommodate the equal rights and identities of both unionists and nationalists, and that can obtain the consent and allegiance of all.

We look forward to the opening of substantive all-party negotiations on 15 September. We have agreed to strengthen opportunities for consultation between the Irish government and parties to the talks.”

The three also reaffirmed their commitment to a peaceful solution to the conflict. Martin McGuinness, then Vice-President of Sinn Féin (SF), went to the Maze Prison to hold a meeting with Irish Republican Army (IRA) prisoners. After the meeting McGuinness said that the prisoners supported the renewal of the IRA ceasefire.

Following direct discussions between representatives of the Orange Order and Nationalist residents in Castlewellan, County Down, agreement was reached on a contentious parade in the village.

Nationalists decided to cancel a planned protest against the parade once agreement was reached on details of the march.

Brendan Smyth, previously a Catholic priest, was sentenced in a Dublin court to 12 years imprisonment for sexually abusing children. Smyth had previously served a sentence in Northern Ireland for similar offences

 

Loyalist_News_250770r

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Remembering all innocent victims of the Troubles

Today is the anniversary of the death of the following people killed as a results of the conflict in Northern Ireland

“To live in hearts we leave behind is not to die

– Thomas Campbell

To the innocent on the list – Your memory will live forever

– To the Paramilitaries –

There are many things worth living for, a few things worth dying for, but nothing worth killing for.

4 People lost their lives on the 25th  July between 1972 – 1989

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25 July 1972

James Kenna,  (19)

Protestant

Status: Ulster Defence Association (UDA),

Killed by: Official Irish Republican Army (OIRA)

Shot while walking at the junction of Roden Street and Clifford Street, Belfast.

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25 July 1976

Patrick McNeice,  (54)

Catholic Status: Civilian (Civ),

Killed by: Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF)

Shot at his home, Ardress, near Loughgall, County Armagh.

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25 July 1988

UVF kill IRA man Brendan Davidson

Brendan Davison, (33)

Catholic

Status: Irish Republican Army (IRA),

Killed by: Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF)

Shot at his home, Friendly Way, Markets, Belfast.

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 25 July 1989

Alexander Bell,  (39)

Protestant

Status: Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)

Died 18 days after being injured in land mine attack on Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) armoured patrol car, Red Arch Bay, near Cushendall, County Antrim.


24th July – Deaths & Events in Northern Ireland Troubles

Key Events & Deaths on this day in Northern Ireland Troubles

24th July

Saturday 24 August 1968

First Civil Rights March

The Campaign for Social Justice (CSJ), the Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association (NICRA), and a number of other groups, held the first ‘civil rights march’ in Northern Ireland from Coalisland to Dungannon.

Loyalists organised a counter demonstration in an effort to get the march banned and in fact the planned rally was officially banned.

[This was a tactic that was to be used throughout the period of ‘the Troubles’]. Despite this the march took place and passed off without incident. The publicity surrounding the march acted as encouragement to other protesting groups to form branches of the NICRA.

Wednesday 24 July 1974

Patrick Kelly (33), a Nationalist councillor, disappeared after leaving Trillick, County Tyrone, to travel home. Later in the day bloodstains, and cartridge cases were found on the roadside about one mile outside of Trillick.

[Kelly’s body was discovered on 10 August 1974 in Lough Eyes, near Lisbellaw, County Fermanagh. He had been shot a number of times and his body had been weighted down and dumped in the lake. Nationalists claimed that there had been security force involvement or collusion in his killing.

Allegations were made that Ulster Defence Regiment (UDR) members had taken part in the attack. On 29 July 2003 it was announced that a new inquiry into the killing would be undertaken by the Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI).]

Thursday 24 July 1975

Merlyn Rees, then Secretary of Sate for Northern Ireland, announced that all those interned without trial would be released by Christmas.

Monday 24 July 1989

Peter Brooke was appointed as the new Secretary of State for Northern Ireland. John Cope became Minister of State, and Lord Skelmersdale and Peter Bottomley were appointed as Under-Secretaries.

Tuesday 24 July 1990

The Irish Republican Army (IRA) exploded a bomb near Armagh killing three members of the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) and a Catholic nun who was driving past the scene of the attack.

Friday 24 July 1992

There was a summer adjournment in Strand Two of the political talks (later known as the Brooke / Mayhew talks). The talks recommenced on 2 September 1992.

Sunday 24 July 1994

Sinn Féin Conference Sinn Féin (SF) held a special conference in Letterkenny, County Donegal to consider the Downing Street Declaration (DSD). The conference was addressed by Gerry Adams, then President of SF. He is reported to have said that the DSD

“suggests a potentially significant change in the approach of the [two] governments to resolving the conflict in Ireland, and we welcome this. But it does not deal adequately with some of the core issues, and this is crucial.”

[The mainly critical tone about the DSD led many observers to conclude the proposals had been rejected.]

Thursday 24 July 1997

James Morgan (16), a Catholic civilian, was abducted after he accepted a lift in a car while travelling from Newcastle to Annsborourgh, County Down.

 Morgan’s body was found on 27 July 1997. He had been tortured before being killed and his body was dumped in a water-logged pit full of animal parts. No group claimed responsibility for his killing but it was believed by most commentators that the Loyalist Volunteer Force (LVF) was responsible.

To the astonishment of many people the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) did not ascribe a sectarian motive to the abduction and killing until 28 July 1997.

What was described as a “crude parcel bomb” was delivered by post to the office of Robert McCartney, then leader of the United Kingdom Unionist Party (UKUP), at his office in Stormont. The device was defused by the British Army. McCartney was on holiday at the time of the incident.

David Trimble, then leader of the Ulster Unionist Party (UUP), said that it was important for Unionists to remain in the talks in order to win the propaganda war. He also said that Sinn Féin (SF) would eventually have to accept a partitionist solution to the conflict.

John Kelly, then a SF Councillor in Magherafelt, issued an apology to Protestants in Maghera and Swinford for “wanton acts of sectarian vandalism” when Nationalists engaged in rioting following the events at Drumcree.

The ‘Birmingham Six’ said that they would seek compensation in the European Court after Jack Straw, then British Home Secretary, said that he would not meet them to reconsider their case. [The six men each received £200,000 compensation (in addition to some interim payments) as compensation for 16 years of wrongful imprisonment.

The men were also looking for an apology from the British government

Friday 24 July 1998

The Police (Northern Ireland) Act was passed in the House of Commons. It was announced in the Republic of Ireland that 1997 had been a record year for Irish tax revenue earnings reflecting the buoyant nature of the Irish economy. In a ruling on the conduct of the new inquiry into the events of ‘Bloody Sunday’ the chairman Lord Saville said that soldiers giving evidence would be entitled to “partial anonymity”.

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Remembering all innocent victims of the Troubles

Today is the anniversary of the death of the following people killed as a results of the conflict in Northern Ireland

“To live in hearts we leave behind is not to die

– Thomas Campbell

To the innocent on the list – Your memory will live forever

– To the Paramilitaries –

There are many things worth living for, a few things worth dying for, but nothing worth killing for.

10 People lost their lives on the 24th  July between 1972 – 1990

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24 July 1972

James Casey,  (57)

Catholic

Status: Civilian (Civ),

Killed by: British Army (BA)

Shot while travelling in car along Park Avenue, Rosemount, Derry

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24 July 1972

Frederick Maguire,  (56)

Protestant

Status: Civilian (Civ),

Killed by: Ulster Defence Association (UDA)

Found shot, Mayo Street, Shankill, Belfast. Assumed to be a Catholic.

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24 July 1972

Brian Thomas, (20) nfNI

Status: British Army (BA),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA) Shot by sniper, while in Vere Foster School British Army (BA) base, Ballymurphy, Belfast.

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24 July 1973

Leonard Rossborough,  (38)

Protestant

Status: Civilian (Civ),

Killed by: Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) Publican. Died three days after being shot during armed robbery at his workplace, Horseshoe Bar, Shankill Road, Belfast.

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Wednesday 24 July 1974
item mark
Patrick Kelly (33), a Nationalist councillor, disappeared after leaving Trillick, County Tyrone, to travel home. Later in the day bloodstains, and cartridge cases were found on the roadside about one mile outside of Trillick. [Kelly’s body was discovered on 10 August 1974 in Lough Eyes, near Lisbellaw, County Fermanagh. He had been shot a number of times and his body had been weighted down and dumped in the lake. Nationalists claimed that there had been security force involvement or collusion in his killing. Allegations were made that Ulster Defence Regiment (UDR) members had taken part in the attack. On 29 July 2003 it was announced that a new inquiry into the killing would be undertaken by the Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI).]

24 July 1974

Patrick Kelly, (33)

Catholic

Status: Civilian Political Activist (CivPA),

Killed by: Ulster Freedom Fighters (UFF) Independent Councillor. Abducted shortly after leaving his licensed premises, Corner House Bar, Main Street, Trillick, County Tyrone. Found shot in Lough Eyes, near Lisbellaw, County Fermanagh, on 10 August 1974.

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24 July 1980

Michael McCartan,  (16)

Catholic

Status: Civilian (Civ),

Killed by: Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) Shot by undercover Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) member, in entry, off Dromara Street, Ormeau Road, Belfast.

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 24 July 1990

Joshua Willis,  (35)

Protestant

Status: Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC), by: Irish Republican Army (IRA) Killed in land mine attack on Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) armoured patrol car, Killylea Road, Armagh.

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 24 July 1990

William Hanson, (37)

Protestant

Status: Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA) Killed in land mine attack on Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) armoured patrol car, Killylea Road, Armagh.

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  24 July 1990

David Sterritt, (34)

Protestant

Status: Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA) Killed in land mine attack on Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) armoured patrol car, Killylea Road, Armagh.

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 24 July 1990

Catherine Dunne,  (37) nfNI

Status: Civilian (Civ),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA) Catholic Nun originally from Dublin. Killed while travelling in her car, during land mine attack on adjacent Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) armoured patrol car, Killylea Road, Armagh.

 

ISIS Executes 250 Women in Mosul for Refusing Sex Slavery

ISIS Executes 250 Women in Mosul for Refusing Sex Slavery

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See Khansaa Brigade – ISIS ‘female ” Police “

Following the fall of Mosul, the second largest city in Iraq, at the hands of the ISIS, the militants started forcing women to a accept temporary marriage or sexual jihad (jihad al-nikah), under the pretext of implementing the Sharia, and the women face severe punishments if they refuse to submit.

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Women Under Sharia Law – (Islamic Law) – CNN

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See Sharia Law

A Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) official from Mosul, Said Mamuzini, said that life is too hard for the women in Mosul due to the ISIS strict rules imposed on them. ISIS began selecting women of Mosul and forced them into marrying its militants calling it temporary marriage or sexual jihad (jihad al-nikah) since it has taken control over Mosul, and the women who refused to submit to this practice would be executed.

“At least 250 girls have so far been executed by IS for refusing to accept the practice of sexual jihad, and sometimes the families of the girls were also executed for rejecting to submit to IS’s request” he said.

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Muslim opinions on Women

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Ghayas Surchi, a PUK official from Mosul revealed that human rights are being widely violated in all IS-held territories, particularly the womens’ rights as they’re seen as commodities and they have no choice in choosing their spouses.

Surchi added that women are prohibited to go out alone in Mosul and they must be fully covered when they are in public. Girls and boys are also not allowed to see each other and talk, it is, therefore, hard for them to choose their soulmates.

However, there are dealers who secretly organise meetings between boys and girls and they charge a great deal of money.

IS militants took control of Mosul in June 2014, after the fall of Iraqi army in the city and since then it has been executing the residents of the city for various charges to spread fear and push the civilians to obey.

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The Miserable Life American Muslim Women Face When They Marry Muslim Men From Abroad

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Proud to be a Loyalist – But I don’t hate Catholic’s

I am 

Unashamedly Proud of My Loyalist and British Heritage.

 queen union jack.jpg

In fact I want the world to know that despite what loony lefties and followers of Corbyn think – its perfectly normal to take pride in our country and celebrate and embrace our long and glorious history.

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Someone emailed me yesterday after visiting my website and praised me for writing about the history of The Troubles and commemorating the memory of all those who had died during the  30 year conflict.

So far – so good!

And then she asked me………..

“Did I hate Catholic’s and what I thought of a United Ireland ?”.

Well at this stage my antenna went up and I thought ” Here we go again “

Let me explain….

When I set up this blog/website  last year my primary objective was to promote my Autobiography Belfast Child and hopefully attract some attention from the publishing world and maybe one day see my book printed and share my story with the world.

That was the objective anyways and the process  has been long and full of disappointments – but I am now working with high profile ghost writing Tom Henry  to complete the book and his enthusiasm for the subject is feeding my dream.

 

I  have always   thought I had an interesting story to tell ( I would wouldn’t I ? ) and within weeks of launching the site I was pleasantly surprised to see that I was receiving a lot of visitors and people were commenting on my story. As of yesterday I have had more 100,000 visitors to the site and this figure is growing and increasing weekly by a few thousand and this I must say surprised me.

It had always been my aim to dedicate the book/my story to the memory of all those killed in the Troubles  and off course to the memory of  my beloved father John Chambers – who died way to young and left a wound in my soul that can never been healed or soothed.

So with this in mind I decided to use my website to tell the story of the Northern Ireland conflict and include an unbiased (mostly) comprehensive history of all major events and deaths in the Troubles. Due to my loyalist heritage and background this has not always been easy, considering I lived through the worst years of the Troubles among the loyalist communities of West Belfast and like those around me I was on the front-line of the sectarian slaughter and there was no escape from the madness that surrounded and engulfed us.

I blamed the IRA ( and other republican terrorists ) for all the woes of life in Belfast and  I hated them with a passion  – still do.

Growing up as a protestant in Northern Ireland  is unlike life in any other part of the UK or British territories and from cradle to grave our lives are governed by the tenuous umbilical cord that reluctantly connects us to the rest of the UK and Westminster’s corridors of power.

Unlike most other communities throughout the UK we are fanatically proud of our Britishness and we have literally fought for the right to remain part of Britain and have Queen Elizabeth II as the mother of our nation.

Long may she reign

shankill road where my soul was forged.jpg

If you have read extracts from my Autobiography Belfast Child ( It’s worth it – promise ) you will know that  I was raised within the heartlands of loyalist Northern Ireland – The Glorious Shankill Road.

The UDA ( Ulster Defense Force) and other loyalist paramilitaries governed and controlled our daily lives and lived and operated among us. The loyalist community stood as one against the IRA and other republican terrorists and although there was often war between the various different groups , they were untied in their hatred of Republican’s and pride in the Union.

The definition of loyalist is :

a. A supporter of union between Great Britain and Northern Ireland

b. A person who remains loyal to the established ruler or government, especially in the face of a revolt.

 

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Why Ireland split into the Republic of Ireland & Northern Ireland

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A bit of history for you

A very brief  outlined of the beginning of the modern troubles

Whilst the Protestants’ clung to their British sovereignty and took pride in the union, our Catholic counterparts felt abandoned and second class citizens in a Unionist run state. The civil rights marches of the 60’s & Republican calls for a United Ireland were the catalyst for the IRA and other Republican terrorist groups to take up arms against the British and feed the paranoia of the loyalist community.

Northern Ireland descended into decades of sectarian conflict & slaughter. An attack on the crown was an attack on the Protestant people of the North and the Protestant paramilitaries took up arms and waged an indiscriminate war against the IRA, the Catholic population and each other. Many innocent Catholic’s and Protestant’s became targets of psychopathic sectarian murder squad’s. Murder was almost a daily occurrence and the killings on both sides perpetuated the hatred and mistrust between the two ever-warring communities. It was a recipe for disaster and Northern stood on the brink of all out civil war.

Growing up in this environment it is hardly surprising to learn that  I hated republicans and all they stood for. But that doesn’t mean I hated Catholic’s or Irish people and would  wish  any harm on them – I don’t and I didn’t.

It means I have a different point of view and democracy is all about freedom of choice and my choice is to maintain the Union with the UK and embrace and celebrate my loyalist culture and tradition. It also means I have the right to take pride in the union with the rest of the UK and I wear my nationality like a badge of honor for all the world to  see.

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proud to be british jason mawer

Jason Mawer has been warned twice to remove his jacket in case it offends someone

The unique Mod-style jacket in red, white and blue was made a few years ago for a Who convention in London

Pub landlord Jason Mawer has twice been asked in public to remove his treasured Union Jack jacket – for risk of it being ‘offensive’.

He was told to take off his valuable Mod-style Barbour jacket – designed in honour of legendary rock band The Who – by officials who appeared to be council enforcement officers.

On the second occasion the female official warned him: ‘Would you mind removing your coat it might offend somebody.’

See Daily Mail for full Story 

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In recent years it has become almost politically  “incorrect” to show any signs of pride in being British and mad lefties and their deluded disciples are always banging on about offending other religions and communities throughout the UK. The fact that the UK has such a diverse melting pot of different nationalities and religions  and is generally accommodating to them – is lost on these do gooders and they ignore our country’s  long history of religious and politically tolerance and instead accuse us of being  xenophobic  and this offends me no end.

Have they forgotten that it was our forefathers who fought and died for our great nation and our democracy is built on their ultimate  sacrifice for our freedom – they did not die in vain.

…back to the email

If you had taken the time to have a proper  look through my site you would be aware that I commemorate the deaths of all innocent people killed as a direct result of the conflict in Northern Ireland , regardless of political or religious  background  . I also cover the deaths of paramilitaries from both sides killed “in Action” as my objective to to give a complete picture of the history of the Troubles.

I receive lots of emails and comments about my site and although most of these are positive –  a few ( normally from republicans ) accuse me of being a loyalist and somehow responsible for the all the deaths in Northern Ireland’s tortured history. Generally I ignore these emails as they are so far of the mark – if they had taken the time to read my story they would know a bit more about my history and know that I preach love – not hate!

Just because I am proud of the union and my British heritage does not mean I hate Catholics or Irish people or any others for that matter – in fact I judge no man on his colour , creed , religious or political background (apart from Republican Terrorists ).

I judge people on their humanity and empathy towards others and the world around us . Life is for living – so live and let live.

Anne Frank

“In spite of everything, I still believe that people are really good at heart.”
Anne Frank

John Gregg (UDA) The man who shot Gerry Adam?

 John Gregg

UDA

John Gregg (1957 – 1 February 2003) was a senior member of the UDA/UFF loyalist paramilitary organisation in Northern Ireland. In 1984, Gregg seriously wounded Sinn Féin president Gerry Adams in an assassination attempt. From the 1990s until his shooting death in 2003 by rival associates, Gregg served as brigadier of the UDA’s South East Antrim Brigade. Widely known as a man with a fearsome reputation, Gregg was considered a “hawk” in loyalist circles

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The views and opinions expressed in this documentary/ies and page are soley intended to educate and provide background information to those interested in the Troubles of Northern Ireland.

They in no way reflect my own opinions and I take no responsibility for any inaccuracies or factual errors

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John Gregg
John Gregg UDA.jpg

John “Grugg” Gregg in 1990
Birth name John Gregg
Nickname(s) “Grugg”, “The Reaper”
Born 1957
Died 1 February 2003 (aged 45–46)
Belfast, Northern Ireland
Buried at Carnmoney Cemetery
Allegiance Ulster Defence Association
Service/branch UDA South East Antrim Brigade
Years of service 1971-2003
Rank Brigadier
Conflict The Troubles
Relations Stuart Gregg (son

Early life

Gregg was born in 1957 and raised in a Protestant family from the Tigers Bay area of North Belfast. Gregg when explaining his family background, revealed that his father, regarded as a quiet man, had trust in the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) and British Army but joined the loyalist vigilante groups set up around the start of the Troubles ostensibly to protect the Protestant community from attacks by republicans. His own earliest memory of the Troubles was the Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association marches in Derry, a movement to which Gregg and his family were strongly opposed.

Ulster Defence Association

Gregg joined the Ulster Young Militants (UYM), the youth wing of the loyalist paramilitary Ulster Defence Association (UDA) at the age of 14.  He spent six months in jail for rioting in 1977. He later became part of the UDA South East Antrim Brigade. Members of this brigade were believed to be behind the killings of Catholic postman Danny McColgan, Protestant teenager Gavin Brett and Trevor Lowry (the latter kicked to death in the mistaken belief he was a Catholic), and a spate of pipe bomb attacks on the homes of Catholics.

Assassination attempt on Gerry Adams

On 14 March 1984, he severely wounded Sinn Féin president Gerry Adams in an attack supposedly ordered as a response to the earlier killings of Ulster Unionist Party politicians Robert Bradford and Edgar Graham.

Gregg, at the time the head of the UDA commando in Rathcoole, was in charge of a three-man hit team that pulled up alongside Adams’ car near Belfast City Hall and opened fire injuring Adams and his three fellow passengers, who nonetheless escaped to seek treatment at the Royal Victoria Hospital, Belfast.

Policeman outside ward where Gerry Adams was treated
Police guard outside hospital were Adams is treated

Gregg and his team were apprehended almost immediately by a British Army patrol that opened fire on them before ramming their car.[4] The attack had been known in advance by security forces due to a tip-off from informants within Rathcoole; Adams and his co-passengers had survived in part because Royal Ulster Constabulary officers, acting on the informants’ information, had replaced much of the ammunition in the UDA’s Rathcoole weapons dump with low-velocity bullets.

Gregg was jailed for 18 years; however, he only served half his sentence and was released in 1993.

When asked by the BBC in prison if he regretted anything about the shooting, his reply was:

“Only that I didn’t succeed.”

Brigadier

UDA mural in Gregg’s Rathcoole stronghold

Following his release from prison, Gregg returned to Rathcoole where he again became an important figure, taking a central role in the illegal drug trade, with his Rathcoole stronghold a centre of narcotics.Sometime after the Combined Loyalist Military Command of 1994 he succeeded Joe English, who had emerged as a leading figure in the Ulster Democratic Party, as brigadier of the South-East Antrim UDA.

Under Gregg the South-East Antrim Brigade were prepared to ignore the terms of the loyalist ceasefire, such as on 25 April 1997 when he dispatched a five-man team to Carrickfergus to set fire to a Catholic church in retaliation for a similar attack on a Protestant church in East Belfast (this earlier attack had actually been organised by dissident loyalists seeking to provoke the UDA into returning to violence).[9] Gregg’s fearsome reputation earned him the nickname “the Reaper” and he bore a tattoo of the Grim Reaper on his back as a tribute.

Gregg played the bass drum in the UDA-affiliated flute band Cloughfern Young Conquerors, a loyalist flute band which police claimed regularly caused trouble at Orange Order parades. In late August 1997 this band was one of a number of similar flute bands to travel to Derry for the annual Apprentice Boys of Derry march through the city centre.

As the band prepared to take the train home that evening they met members of the Shankill Protestant Boys, another band in town for the parade that was affiliated to the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF). Brawls between the two had been frequent and tensions had been growing between the UDA and UVF leading to a drink-fuelled pitched battle between the two groups at the train station.

During the course of the melee a Shankill Protestant Boys member managed to gouge out Gregg’s eye, although it is also claimed that Gregg lost his eye due to a fight with republicans at the same parade.

Anti-Catholic campaigns

Along with Jackie McDonald and Billy McFarland, fellow brigadiers on the UDA’s Inner Council, Gregg was lacking in enthusiasm for the Belfast Agreement when it appeared in 1998. Throughout 1999 his brigade continued to be active, undertaking a pipe bomb campaign against Catholic homes whilst on 12 May members of his brigade shot and wounded a Catholic builder in Carrickfergus under the cover name “Protestant Liberation Force”. Much of this activity was inspired by Gregg’s personal hatred of Catholics.

A senior police source once described him as a man driven by “pure and absolute bigotry”.  Gregg was also characterised as “a bully, a racketeer, and a sectarian bigot who took particular delight in carrying out vicious punishment attacks and randomly targeting Roman Catholics.”

In 2000 he helped to ensure that a proposal before the Inner Council to initiate the decommissioning of weapons was rejected.

Having witnessed demographic shifts in Glengormley and Crumlin, traditionally loyalist majority towns that had come to have nationalist majorities on account of loyalists moving out of Belfast, he determined that the same thing would not happen in Carrickfergus and Larne and so launched a campaign of pipe bomb and arson attacks on Catholic homes there (despite these towns having very small Catholic populations).

The main target proved to be Danny O’Connor, a Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP) representative on initially Larne Borough Council and then the Northern Ireland Assembly, whose home and office were attacked at least twelve times by Gregg’s men between 2000 and 2002. Protestant Trevor Lowry (aged 49) was beaten to death in Glengormley by UDA members under Gregg’s command on 11 April 2001 after he was mistaken for a Catholic. Catholic workman Gary Moore was killed in Monkstown in 2000 in another killing attributed to Gregg’s unit.

In late 2001, Gregg’s reign of terror in Rathcoole, where drug dealing, knee-capping and savage beatings were the norm, was challenged by local British Labour Party Councillor Mark Langhammer, who also objected to Gregg’s close links to neo-Nazi groups in Great Britain.

He called on the Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI) to establish an auxiliary police “clinic” on the estate, which had no permanent police building, so as locals concerned about crime could have somewhere to go.  This followed in summer 2002 when a community centre was taken over for this purpose although Gregg’s UDA objected and daubed the building with the word “tout”.

On 4 September Langhammer’s car was blown up outside his Whiteabbey home by Gregg’s men, although Langhammer himself was asleep at the time and no one was injured.

Johnny Adair

Despite the continuing activity of his brigade, and his own earlier maiming, Gregg shared the reluctance of other brigadiers about what he saw as a coming war between the UVF and West Belfast brigadier Johnny Adair Nonetheless he was not keen to antagonise Adair and so, along with McFarland, McDonald and Jimbo Simpson, accepted his invitation to attended a “Loyalist Day of Culture” organised by Adair on the Lower Shankill on 19 August 2000. Old tensions resurfaced however, and after Adair’s men fought with UVF supporters at the Shankill’s Rex Bar, Adair launched a pogrom of the lower Shankill, forcing out all UVF members and their families and initiating a loyalist feud.[22]

Gregg initially remained aloof from the struggle and instead concentrated on his anti-Catholic campaign. However in the second half of 2002 he was dragged into the conflict after Adair made him a target in his own attempts to take full control of the UDA. A UDA member originally from the Woodvale Road had moved to Rathcoole where he had been beaten up after it emerged that he was a friend of Joe English, the former brigadier who had been exiled from the estate by Gregg for his anti-drugs stance.

As a result of the attack, three Woodvale UDA members went to Gregg and complained about the attack. Gregg took this as a threat and, after complaining to senior figures in the West Belfast UDA, ordered the three men to be kneecapped. The shootings raised some anger on the Shankill, where the three were well-liked figures, and Adair sought to exploit this as a method of getting rid of Gregg. He sought to portray Gregg as unstable and thuggish and spread a rumour that he was about to be replaced as brigadier.

By September 2002, Adair had even circulated stories to contacts in the media that Gregg was under death threat from the UDA. In late August, Adair had even managed to have Gregg stood down as Brigadier for “not being militant enough” and replaced by one of Adair’s own associates.

However, this proved short-lived. In October 2002, Gregg was one of the brigadiers who passed the resolution expelling Adair from the UDA for his involvement in the non-fatal shooting of Jim Gray

Adair ignored the expulsion, erecting “West Belfast UDA – Business as Usual” banners on the Shankill Road, whilst continuing his struggles with the remaining brigadiers, Gregg in particular. On 8 December a bomb was found under Gregg’s car, apparently placed there by one of Adair’s allies from the Loyalist Volunteer Force. 

Soon after two pipe bombs were thrown at Gregg’s house, and his friend Tommy Kirkham‘s house was shot at. In response, graffiti appeared around the walls of Rathcoole in December, stating:

“Daft Dog and White beware. The Reaper is coming for you”

as a threat to “Mad Dog” Adair and his ally John White A bomb attack on Adair’s house on 8 January 2003 was blamed on Gregg by White, although Adair himself was returned to prison two days later after a dossier detailing his drug-dealing and racketeering activities was shown to Secretary of State for Northern Ireland Paul Murphy

Shooting death and aftermath

A mural commemorating Gregg and Carson in Cloughfern

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 John Gregg – Funeral
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1 February 2003, along with another UDA member, Robert “Rab” Carson, Gregg was shot dead on Nelson Street, in the old Sailortown district near the Belfast docks, while travelling in a red Toyota taxi after returning from Glasgow where he regularly went to watch Rangers F.C. games. Gregg had been a regular visitor to Ibrox Park for a number of years,

often in the company of Michael Stone, and had even picked up a conviction for violence at an Old Firm match. Gregg’s movements were known to C Company member Alan McCullough who, receiving instruction from Adair (then in HMP Maghaberry), arranged for a hit team to kill Gregg and his associate as the taxi took them from the port of Belfast.

When the taxi stopped at traffic lights close to the motorway, it was rammed by another taxi which had been hijacked earlier on the Shankill Road. Masked gunmen immediately opened fire on the occupants with automatic weapons. Gregg, seated in the backseat, was hit at close range and died instantly.

A mortally-wounded Carson died later in hospital, and taxi driver William McKnight was seriously hurt. Gregg’s 18-year-old son Stuart and another man were also in the vehicle but neither sustained injuries in the shooting attack.  Carson was described by UDA sources as a “dear friend” of Gregg’s and a junior member of the South-East Antrim Brigade.

South East Antrim Brigade mural in Ballymena honouring Gregg

Gregg’s killing proved to be the undoing of Adair. Gregg was the most senior UDA member killed since South Belfast brigadier John McMichael was blown up by the IRA in 1987. Despite his reputation for gangsterism, Gregg’s failed attack on Gerry Adams had afforded him legendary status and, under the direction of Jackie McDonald, the remaining UDA brigadiers concluded that Adair had to be removed.

Gregg was given a paramilitary funeral which was attended by thousands of mourners, including senior UDA members Jackie McDonald, Jim Gray, Sammy Duddy and Michael Stone. Senior members of the Ulster Volunteer Force and Red Hand Commando also attended. A volley of shots was fired over his coffin by UDA gunmen outside his Rathcoole home. The coffin was draped in the Ulster flag and the flag of the UFF. Members of the Cloughfern Young Conquerors dressed in uniform accompanied the coffin.

Afterwards a lone piper led the cortege to Carnmoney Cemetery where he was buried. At the service on 6 February, UVF/RHC representatives joined the UDA leadership in a show of anti-Adair solidarity. That same night Jackie McDonald’s forces invaded the lower Shankill and ran those members of C Company that had remained loyal to Adair, who was still in prison, out of the city. In May of that same year, Alan McCullough was himself killed by the UDA.

Following the conclusion of the feud with Adair the UDA reconstituted its ceasefire in what they christened the “Gregg initiative”. The juxtaposition of this initiative with the name of Gregg was condemned by the mother of a Catholic who had been killed by members of the South-East Antrim Brigade in 2000 as she argued:

“it’s sickening to call it the Gregg initiative when he was a ruthless terrorist….Everyone goes on about Johnny Adair but they’re all as bad as each other”.

In November 2011, Stuart Gregg received £400,000 compensation for psychological trauma due to having witnessed his father’s murder.

Personal life

Gregg was married with one son and two stepdaughters