Loughinisland UVF Massacre – 18th June 1994

Loughinisland Massacre

Also known as The World Cup Massacre

victims collage.jpg

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– Disclaimer –

The views and opinions expressed in this blog post are soley intended to educate and provide background information to those interested in the Troubles of Northern Ireland. They in no way reflect my own opinions and I take no responsibility for any inaccuracies or factual errors.

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The Loughinisland massacre took place on 18 June 1994 in the small village of Loughinisland, County Down, Northern Ireland. Members of the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF), a loyalist paramilitary group, burst into a pub with assault rifles and fired on the customers , killing six civilians and wounding five. The pub was targeted because it was frequented mainly by Catholics,  and was crowded with people watching the Republic of Ireland team playing in the 1994 FIFA World Cup.

1994 FIFA World Cup logo.svg

It is thus sometimes called the World Cup massacre.

The attack was claimed as retaliation for the killing of three UVF members by the Irish National Liberation Army (INLA).

See Trevor ( Kingso) King

Allegations persist that police (Royal Ulster Constabulary) double agents or informers were linked to the massacre and that police protected those informers by destroying evidence and failing to carry out a proper investigation.

At the request of the victims’ families, the Police Ombudsman investigated the police. The Ombudsman concluded that there were major failings in the police investigation, but no evidence that police colluded with the UVF.

However, the Ombudsman did not investigate the role of informers and the report was branded a whitewash. Ombudsman investigators demanded to be disassociated from the report because their original findings “were dramatically altered without reason”, and they believed key intelligence had been deliberately withheld from them.

This led to the report being quashed, the Ombudsman being replaced and a new inquiry ordered.  In June 2016, a new Police Ombudsman report was released indicating that there had been “collusion” between the police and the UVF, but that the police had no advance knowledge of the attack.

Loughinisland massacre
Loughinisland - geograph.org.uk - 199475.jpg

 
Location The Heights Bar, Loughinisland, County Down, Northern Ireland
Coordinates 54°20′17″N 5°49′30″W / 54.33806°N 5.82500°W / 54.33806; -5.82500Coordinates: 54°20′17″N 5°49′30″W / 54.33806°N 5.82500°W / 54.33806; -5.82500
Date 18 June 1994
10:10pm (GMT)
Attack type
Mass shooting
Weapons Assault rifles
Deaths 6 civilians
Non-fatal injuries
5 civilians
Perpetrator Ulster Volunteer Force

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Background

The UVF’s claimed goal was to combat Irish republicanism – particularly the Provisional IRA – and maintain Northern Ireland‘s status as part of the United Kingdom.

However, most of its victims were Irish Catholic civilians, who were often killed at random.  Whenever it claimed responsibility for attacks, the UVF usually claimed that those targeted were IRA members or were helping the IRA. Other times, attacks on Catholic civilians were claimed as “retaliation” for IRA actions, since the IRA draws almost all its support from the Catholic population.

Since the mid-1960s, the UVF had carried out many gun and bomb attacks on Catholic-owned pubs and there had been many incidents of collusion between the UVF and members of the state security forces. During the early 1990s, loyalists drastically increased their attacks on Catholics and Irish nationalists and – for the first time since the conflict began – were responsible for more deaths than republicans or the security forces.

Trevor King UVF Mural

Mural for Trevor King & Other UVF Members

On 16 June 1994, the Irish National Liberation Army (INLA) shot dead three UVF members – Trevor King, Colin Craig and David Hamilton – on the Shankill Road in Belfast. The following day, the UVF launched two ‘retaliatory’ attacks. In the first, UVF members shot dead a Catholic civilian taxi driver in Carrickfergus. In the second, they shot dead two Protestant civilians in Newtownabbey, whom they believed were Catholics.

The Loughinisland shootings, a day later, are believed to have been further retaliation.

See Trevor ( Kingso) King

Attack on The Heights Bar

The pub in 2009

On the evening of 18 June 1994, about 24 people  were gathered in The Heights bar and lounge watching the Republic of Ireland vs Italy in the World Cup.

At 10:10pm, two UVF members wearing boiler suits and balaclavas walked into the bar and opened fire on the crowd with assault rifles, spraying the small room with more than sixty bullets.

Six men were killed outright,  and five other people were wounded. Witnesses said the gunmen then ran to a getaway car, “laughing”.

One described:

“bodies … lying piled on top of each other on the floor”.

The dead were Adrian Rogan (34), Malcolm Jenkinson (52), Barney Greene (87), Daniel McCreanor (59), Patrick O’Hare (35) and Eamon Byrne (39), all Catholic civilians. O’Hare was the brother-in-law of Eamon Byrne and Greene was one of the oldest people to be killed during the Troubles.

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Victims

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18 June 1994


Adrian Rogan   (34)

Catholic
Status: Civilian (Civ),

Killed by: Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF)
Shot, during gun attack, on The Heights Bar, Loughinisland, County Down.

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18 June 1994


Malcolm Jenkinson  (52)

Catholic
Status: Civilian (Civ),

Killed by: Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF)
Shot, during gun attack, on The Heights Bar, Loughinisland, County Down.

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18 June 1994


Barney Greene   (87)

Catholic
Status: Civilian (Civ),

Killed by: Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF)
Shot, during gun attack, on The Heights Bar, Loughinisland, County Down.

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18 June 1994


Daniel McCreanor  (59)

Catholic
Status: Civilian (Civ),

Killed by: Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF)
Shot, during gun attack, on The Heights Bar, Loughinisland, County Down.

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18 June 1994


Patrick O’Hare   (35)

Catholic
Status: Civilian (Civ),

Killed by: Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF)
Shot, during gun attack, on The Heights Bar, Loughinisland, County Down.

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18 June 1994


Eamon Byrne   (39)

Catholic
Status: Civilian (Civ),

Killed by: Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF)
Shot, during gun attack, on The Heights Bar, Loughinisland, County Down.

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Loughinisland

The UVF claimed responsibility within hours of the attack. It claimed that an Irish republican meeting was being held in the pub and that the shooting was retaliation for the INLA attack.

However, police said there is no evidence that The Heights Bar had any links to republican paramilitary activity. Journalist Peter Taylor suggested in his book Loyalists that it was not entirely certain that the UVF Brigade Staff (Belfast leadership) had sanctioned the attack, and that it was instead carried out by a local UVF unit. In the event of an “enemy” attack, these UVF units were given freedom to retaliate against what they deemed to be appropriate targets.

An unnamed UVF member told Taylor that the UVF believed IRA members would be in the pub that evening.  The Brigade Staff later assured Progressive Unionist Party (PUP) leader David Ervine that there would never again be another attack such as Loughinisland.

The attack received international media coverage and was widely condemned. Among those who sent messages of sympathy were Pope John Paul II, Queen Elizabeth II and US President Bill Clinton. Local Protestant families visited their wounded neighbours in hospital, expressing their shock and disgust.

Provisional IRA response

The massacre ultimately led to a temporary return to tit-for-tat violence. The following month, the IRA shot dead three high-ranking members of the Ulster Defence Association (UDA), the other main loyalist paramilitary group alongside the UVF. It is claimed this was retaliation for the Loughinisland massacre.

The IRA stated that the men were directing the UDA’s campaign of violence against Catholics.

Ray Smallwoods

On 11 July the IRA shot dead Ray Smallwoods, a member of the UDA’s Inner Council and spokesman for its political wing, the Ulster Democratic Party. Six days later, UDA gunmen tried to repeat the Loughinisland massacre when they attacked the Hawthorn Inn at nearby Annaclone.

About 40 people were inside watching the football World Cup final. The pub’s thick doors had been locked and so the gunmen instead fired through the windows, wounding seven people.

Bratty commemorated with other South Belfast UDA members on a Sandy Row plaque

On 31 July, the IRA shot dead UDA commander Joe Bratty and his right-hand man Raymond Elder.

Investigation and campaign by victims’ families

The morning after the attack, the getaway car—a red Triumph Acclaim—was found abandoned in a field near Crossgar.

Sa 58-JH01.jpg

On 4 August, one of the vz. 58 rifles used in the attack was found hidden at a bridge near Saintfield along with a holdall containing boiler suits, balaclavas, gloves, three handguns and ammunition.

In 2006, following claims that “an RUC agent” had supplied the getaway car to the gunmen, the victims’ families lodged an official complaint about the investigation with the Police Ombudsman. The complaint included allegations “that the investigation had not been efficiently or properly carried out; no earnest effort was made to identify those responsible; and there were suspicions of state collusion in the murders”.

It was alleged that police agents or informers within the UVF were linked to the attack, and that the police’s investigation was hindered by its desire to protect those informers. The victims’ families also alleged that the police had failed to keep in contact with them about the investigation, even about significant developments.

It was revealed that the police had destroyed key evidence and documents. The car had been disposed of in April 1995, ten months into the investigation.

In 1998, police documents related to the investigation were destroyed at Gough Barracks RUC station, allegedly because of fears they were contaminated by asbestos. It is believed they included the original notes, made during interviews of suspects in 1994 and 1995.

A hair follicle had been recovered from the car but nobody had yet been charged, while the other items (balaclavas, gloves, etc.) had not been subjected to new tests made possible by advances in forensic science.

It was alleged that the rifle used in the attack had been part of a shipment smuggled into Northern Ireland for loyalists by British agent   Brian Nelson.

Brian_Nelson_Loyalist

 

See Brian Nelson

A key eyewitness claimed she gave police a description of the getaway driver within hours of the massacre, but that police failed to record important information she gave them and never asked her to identify suspects. A serving policeman later gave the woman’s personal details to a relative of the suspected getaway driver. Police then visited her and advised her to increase her security for fear she could be shot.

 

The Office of the Police Ombudsman, which investigated the police over the massacre

In 2008 it was revealed that, since the shootings, up to 20 people had been arrested for questioning but none had ever been charged.

In January 2010 a reserve Police Service of Northern Ireland officer (formerly an RUC officer) was arrested by detectives from the Police Ombudsman’s Office and questioned over “perverting the course of justice” and “aiding the killers’ escape”.

Later that year, the Public Prosecution Service (PPS) concluded there wasn’t enough evidence to prosecute. In reply, the Ombudsman’s Office said it would consider disciplinary action against the officer.

Police Ombudsman’s report and aftermath

In September 2009 it was revealed that a Police Ombudsman’s report on the killings was to be published on 15 September.

At the same time, some details of the report were made known. Police sources said the report would expose the role of four RUC informers in “ordering or organising” the attack. The report was also said to highlight a series of major failings in the police investigation – including that not enough effort was made to identify those responsible, that police failed to speak to people of interest, that key evidence was destroyed and that there was poor record management.

However, shortly after these revelations, the Ombudsman postponed publication of the report as “new evidence” had emerged.

The Ombudsman’s report was finally published on 24 June 2011. It said that the police investigation had lacked “diligence, focus and leadership”; that there were failings in record management; that significant lines of enquiry were not identified; and that police failed to communicate effectively with the victims’ families.

However, it said that there was “insufficient evidence of collusion” and “no evidence that police could have prevented the attack”.

Margaret ritchie.jpg

Margaret Ritchie

The report was harshly criticized for not investigating the role of RUC informers inside the UVF. Social Democratic and Labour Party leader Margaret Ritchie said the findings were flawed and contrary “to a mountain of evidence of collusion”. She added: “It completely lets down the victims’ families and the wider community. Al Hutchinson paints a picture of an incompetent keystone cops type of police force when the reality was that the RUC and Special Branch were rotten to the core”.

Niall Murphy, the solicitor for the victims’ relatives, described the report’s findings as “timid, mild and meek”. He added: “The ombudsman has performed factual gymnastics to ensure there was no evidence of collusion in his conclusion”. The relatives stated that they believe the report proves police colluded with those involved and made “no real attempt to catch the killers”.

After the report’s publication, there were calls for Al Hutchinson to resign, and the victims’ families began a High Court challenge to have the report’s findings quashed.

In September 2011, the Criminal Justice Inspectorate (CJI) criticized Hutchinson and recommended that the Ombudsman’s Office be suspended from investigating historic murders because its independence had been compromised. CJI inspectors found “major inconsistencies” in the Ombudsman’s report. Ombudsman investigators had demanded to be disassociated from the report because their original findings “were dramatically altered without reason”. Ombudsman investigators also believed that key intelligence had been deliberately withheld from them.

In 2012, the Belfast High Court quashed the report’s findings and Hutchinson was replaced by Michael Maguire, who ordered a new inquiry into the massacre.

Maguire, after investigating the killings, stated with regard to the RUC police force colluding with the murderers: “I have no hesitation in unambiguously determining that collusion is a significant feature of the Loughinisland murders.” He said the VZ58 rifle used in the attack was part of a shipment of weapons brought by loyalist paramilitaries into Northern Ireland late 1987 or early 1988.

Responding to Mafuire’s report, Foreign Minister Flanagan said : “The Ombudsman’s findings are deeply disturbing – in particular his determination that ‘collusion is a significant feature of the Loughinisland murders.

Commemoration

On the 18th anniversary of the attack, the Republic of Ireland football team again played Italy – this time in the Euro 2012 at Poznań, Poland. The Irish team wore black armbands during the match, to commemorate those killed while watching the same teams playing 18 years before. The idea was proposed by the Football Association of Ireland (FAI) and backed by UEFA. Some prominent loyalists berated the move. South Belfast UDA brigadier Jackie McDonald said that it was “bringing politics into sport” and would lead to “dire repercussions” for football.

Another leading loyalist, Winston Churchill Rea, also raised concerns about the tribute. However, the victims’ families fully supported the gesture.

On 29 April 2014, ESPN, as part of their 30 for 30 series, broadcast a documentary about the shootings, named “Ceasefire Massacre”.

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ESPN – 30 For 30 – Soccer Stories – Ceasefire Massacre

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See Trevor ( Kingso) King

See UVF Page

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Trevor King (Kingso) 1953 – 1994. Ulster Volunteer Force

Trevor King

Kingso

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Lt. Col. Trevor King

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– Disclaimer –

The views and opinions expressed in this  blog post are soley intended to educate and provide background information to those interested in the Troubles of Northern Ireland. They in no way reflect my own opinions and I take no responsibility for any inaccuracies or factual errors.

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Trevor James King, also known as “Kingso” (c. 1953 – 9 July 1994), was a British Ulster loyalist and a senior member of the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF). He was commander of the UVF’s “B” Company, 1st Belfast Battalion, holding the rank of Lieutenant Colonel. On 16 June 1994, he was one of three UVF men gunned down by the Irish National Liberation Army as he stood on the corner of Spier’s Place and the Shankill Road in West Belfast, close to the UVF headquarters.

photo

His companion Colin Craig was killed on the spot, and David Hamilton, who was seriously wounded, died the next day in hospital. King was also badly injured; he lived for three weeks on a life-support machine before making the decision himself to turn it off.

Two days after the shooting, the UVF retaliated against Irish nationalists by carrying out the Loughinisland massacre against the Heights Bar, in which six Catholic customers died as they watched the Republic of Ireland play Italy in the World Cup football match.

See Loughinisland Massacre

There are several murals in the Shankill Road area commemorating King. One of these is a mural and plaque dedicated to him, David Hamiliton and William “Frenchie” Marchant, which stands at the Spiers Place and Shankill Road junction.

An oversized mural painted on the gable end of a house in Disraeli Street, Woodvale, features a portrait of King with an inscription from a poem by Siegfried Sassoon.

 

Trevor King mural, Disraeli Street, May 2012

Trevor James King

Ulster Volunteer Force

 

King was born in about 1953 in Belfast, Northern Ireland to an Ulster Protestant family.[2] He joined the illegal Ulster loyalist paramilitary organisation the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) in the early 1970s whilst still in his teens.

He was one of the gunmen who took part in the “Battle at Springmartin” on the night of 13 May 1972 when the UVF engaged the Provisional IRA in fierce gun battles at the interface area between the Protestant Springmartin and the Catholic Ballymurphy housing estates.

He was arrested that same night by the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) after he and another young man were caught working with a rifle bolt in the rear yard of a house in Blackmountain Pass. The rifle had jammed and the men had been attempting to free its bolt. Inside a bedroom, police found three Steyr rifles, ammunition and illuminating flares. Several hours earlier the UVF had exploded a car bomb outside Kelly’s Bar on Whiterock Road and then taken up sniping positions from high-rise flats in Springmartin. T

he IRA responded by shooting at British Army troops who arrived on the scene before exchanging gunfire with the UVF snipers. That Saturday night saw the most violent gun battles since the suspension of Stormont and imposition of Direct Rule from London. Five people died in the clashes which continued on 14 May; these deaths included British soldier Alan Buckley, and teenagers John Pedlow (17), Michael Magee (15), and Martha Campbell (13).

When arraigned for trial after his arrest King told the court:

“I refuse to recognise this court, as an instrument of an illegal and undemocratic regime. Also I would like to make it clear [fellow UVF member and arrestee William] Graham is innocent of all charges”.

 

King spent time in prison for his involvement in the gun battle whilst Graham was acquitted.  Evidence supplied by a supergrass helped to ensure that King was sent to Crumlin Road gaol.

Following his release King rose in the organisation’s ranks to become a senior leader as commander of the UVF “B” Company, 1st Belfast Battalion which covered West Belfast, including the Shankill Road. He held the rank of lieutenant colonel, and was the director of UVF military operations.

Although King had been arrested numerous times, he was never prosecuted as witnesses were afraid to testify against him. According to The People newspaper he maintained an “iron grip” on the UVF from 1974. He was however held on remand in the Maze during the early 1980s and whilst in the prison camp he was close to Billy Hutchinson, who was Officer Commanding of the Maze UVF at the time.

In 1984 he was charged in connection with the 1975 killings of Catholic civilians Gerard McClenahan and Anthony Molloy after being named by supergrass John Gibson as the latter’s accomplice. King was acquitted after the case fell apart.

Shooting

 

Mural and plaque commemorating Trevor King, William Marchant and David Hamilton on the corner of Spiers Place and the Shankill Road

 

On 16 June 1994, King was standing on the corner of the Shankill Road and Spier’s Place talking to fellow UVF members, David Hamilton (43) and Colin Craig (31). They were about one hundred yards away from the UVF headquarters, which was located in rooms above a shop known as “The Eagle”. A car drove past them and as it did so, Irish National Liberation Army (INLA) gunmen inside the vehicle opened fire on the three men

David Lister and Hugh Jordan claimed that Gino Gallagher, who was himself shot dead in 1996 in an internal feud, was the main INLA gunman in the attack.  Colin Craig was killed on the spot. King and David Hamilton lay in the street, seriously wounded as panic and chaos erupted on the Shankill in the wake of the shooting. Presbyterian minister, the Reverend Roy Magee was in “the Eagle” discussing an upcoming Combined Loyalist Military Command (CLMC) meeting and the possibility of a loyalist ceasefire with the UVF Brigade Staff (leadership) when the attack took place.

He and the others raced out of the building after hearing the gunfire. He later described the scene he came upon outside.

“With some others, I ran down to where the men were. One was already dead and the others were in a very, very bad physical state. The road was in pandemonium at that stage. You could see that the leadership of the UVF was quite naturally very, very broken and disturbed about the shooting of their colleague. He [Trevor King] was a senior commander”.

King was rushed to hospital where he was put on a life-support machine. The shooting had left him paralysed from the neck down. He died on 9 July with Reverend Magee at his bedside. According to Magee, King himself made the decision to turn off the machine.

The People alleged that prior to his shooting, he had been moving the UVF towards drug dealing and racketeering.

Alderman Joe Coggle, an Independent Unionist member of Belfast City Council, described him in a Belfast Telegraph obituary as “the best”.

UVF reaction

The UVF leadership was badly shaken by the attack, as it had taken place on the staunchly loyalist Shankill Road and involved a high-ranking member.

The next day, after David Hamilton succumbed to his injuries, the UVF made its first moves to punish Catholics. A Catholic taxi driver was killed in Carrickfergus and two Protestants mistaken for Catholics were shot dead in Newtownabbey.

On 18 June, the UVF struck again. Their target was the Heights Bar in Loughinisland, County Down. As customers sat watching Ireland play Italy in the World Cup football match, UVF gunmen stormed in spraying the bar with gunfire. In all, six Catholics died and another five were wounded in the attack.

A revenge attack on the INLA was also planned and in September UVF gunmen occupied the Lower Falls home of INLA chief of staff Hugh Torney and held his family hostage whilst they awaited Torney’s return home. However the INLA leader, who had a reputation for being especially guarded about his public safety, got wind of the event and did not return home, resulting in the UVF members abandoning their attempt and releasing Torney’s family.

It was subsequently revealed that Colin Craig had been an RUC informer. It was believed that he had provided intelligence to the security forces which enabled an undercover British Army unit to shoot UVF hitman Brian Robinson dead in 1989. A UVF leader had suggested after the triple shooting that Craig had been in line to be killed by the UVF anyway.

Legacy

 

Close-up of plaque on King’s Disraeli Street mural

King has been commemorated in loyalist songs, annual parades, and murals. A memorial plaque and mural stands at the junction of Spier’s Place and Shankill Road junction close to the spot where King was fatally wounded. It is dedicated to him, David Hamilton and William “Frenchie” Marchant, a leading UVF member gunned down by the IRA at the same location in 1987.

On the gable of a house in Disreali Street in the Woodvale area, King is featured on one of three outsized murals commemorating killed loyalist paramilitaries (a fourth at the start of the street commemorates the Woodvale Defence Association in general). His is the middle mural, flanked by those representing Brian Robinson and Sam Rockett, UVF men killed by the Force Research Unit and Ulster Defence Association respectively. Beside King’s mural there is an inscription taken from Suicide in the Trenches, a poem written by Siegfried Sassoon in 1917. It reads:

“You smug faced crowds with kindling eye
who cheer when soldier lads pass by
sneak home and pray you’ll never know
the hell where youth and laughter go”.

 

There was a parade and ceremony to mark the mural’s completion in July 1995, the first anniversary of his death. Loyalist bands paraded and laid floral wreaths at the base, and Billy Hutchinson of the Progressive Unionist Party (and King’s former Officer Commanding in Long Kesh) made a speech honouring King’s memory.

In July 2000, on the sixth anniversary of his death, hundreds of people turned out on the Shankill Road to watch a memorial service held in honour of King. Three masked UVF men, two of whom were armed with rifles, took part in the ceremony. One supporter commented, “King was a legend in this area and it is only fitting that his anniversary should be marked by the organisation to which he devoted his life.

See Loughinisland Massacre

16th June – Deaths & Events in Northern Ireland Troubles

Key Events & Deaths on this day in Northern Ireland Troubles

16th June

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Friday 16 June 1972

Edward_Daly_Bloody_Sunday

John Johnson (59), who had been shot twice on ‘Bloody Sunday’ (30 January 1972), died. His family was convinced that he died prematurely and that his death was a result of the injuries he received and the trauma he underwent on that day.

See Bloody Sunday

Thursday 16 June 1977

The Fianna Fáil (FF) party won the general election in the Republic of Ireland. FF had a majority of 20 seats. Jack Lynch became the new Taoiseach (Irish Prime Minister).

Friday 16 June 1978

Kevin Dyer (26), a Catholic civilian, was found beaten to death on a rubbish tip at Glencairn Road, Belfast. He had been killed by Loyalists.

Monday 16 June 1980

Brooks Richards was appointed as security co-ordinator for Northern Ireland.

Wednesday 16 June 1993

John Major, then British Prime Minister, and Albert Reynolds, then Taoiseach (Irish Prime Minister), held a meeting in London and both called for talks between the Northern Ireland political parties to be resumed.

Thursday 16 June 1994

Three UVF Members Shot by INLA

The Irish National Liberation Army (INLA) carried out a gun attack on a group of Loyalists on the Shankill Road, west Belfast. Two members of the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) were shot.

One died at the scene, and the second died on 9 July 1994.

A Protestant civilian was also mortally injured and died on 17 June 1984. A fourth man was injured in the attack.

[The UVF carried out a series of ‘revenge’ attacks over the coming days and killed 9 people – 7 Catholic civilians and 2 Protestant civilians mistakenly believed to be Catholics.]

Monday 16 June 1997

Two RUC Officers Killed by IRA

     

John Graham & John Graham

Roland John Graham (34), a Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) officer, and David Andrew Johnston (30), a RUC reserve officer, were shot dead in Lurgan, County Armagh.

The two officers were shot from close range from behind. The Irish Republican Army (IRA) admitted responsibility for the killings. The two men were survived by five children.

[The RUC officers were the first to be killed by the IRA since the ending of its ceasefire on 9 February 1996.]

  

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Remembering all innocent victims of the Troubles

Today is the anniversary of the death of the following people killed as a results of the conflict in Northern Ireland

“To live in hearts we leave behind is not to die

– Thomas Campbell

To the innocent on the list – Your memory will live forever

– To the Paramilitaries –

There are many things worth living for, a few things worth dying for, but nothing worth killing for.

9  People lost their lives on the 16th  June between 1972 – 1997

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16 June 1972
Charles Connor  (32)

Catholic
Status: Civilian (Civ),

Killed by: Ulster Defence Association (UDA)
Found shot Minnowburn, Shaw’s Bridge, Belfast.

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16 June 1973
Daniel Rouse   (17)

Catholic
Status: Civilian (Civ),

Killed by: Ulster Freedom Fighters (UFF)
Found shot at the side of Dunmurry Lane, Dunmurry, near Belfast, County Antrim

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16 June 1978


Robert Struthers   (19)

Protestant
Status: Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC), K

illed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Off duty reservist. Shot at his workplace, Foyle Street, Derry.

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16 June 1986
Terence McKeever   (30)

Catholic
Status: Civilian (Civ),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Found shot at Mullaghduff, near Cullyhanna, County Armagh. Contractor to British Army (BA) / Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) .

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16 June 1994


Colin Craig   (31)

Protestant
Status: Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF),

Killed by: Irish National Liberation Army (INLA)
Shot while standing outside shop, junction of Spiers Place and Shankill Road, Belfast.

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16 June 1994
David Hamilton  (43)

Protestant
Status: Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF),

Killed by: Irish National Liberation Army (INLA)
Shot while standing outside shop, junction of Spiers Place and Shankill Road, Belfast. He died 17 June 1994

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16 June 1994

Mural for Trevor King


Trevor King   (41)

Protestant
Status: Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF),

Killed by: Irish National Liberation Army (INLA)
Shot while standing outside shop, junction of Spiers Place and Shankill Road, Belfast. He died 9 July 1994.

See Trevor King

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16 June 1997


John Graham   (34)

Protestant
Status: Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC), Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Shot, while on Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) foot patrol, Church Walk, Lurgan, County Armagh.

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16 June 1997


David Johnston   (30)

Protestant
Status: Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Shot, while on Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) foot patrol, Church Walk, Lurgan, County Armagh.

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Manchester IRA Bombing – Saturday 15th June 1996

Manchester IRA Bomb 

Saturday 15th  June 1996

The 1996 Manchester bombing was an attack carried out by the Provisional Irish Republican Army (IRA) on Saturday 15 June 1996. The IRA detonated a powerful 3,300-pound (1,500 kg) truck bomb on Corporation Street in the centre of Manchester, England. The biggest bomb detonated in Great Britain since World War II, it targeted the city’s infrastructure and economy and caused widespread damage, estimated by insurers at £700 million (£1.2 billion as of 2016).

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The IRA had sent telephoned warnings about 90 minutes before the bomb detonated. At least 75,000 people were evacuated from the area, but the bomb squad were unable to defuse the bomb in time. More than 200 people were injured, but there were no fatalities. At the time, England was hosting the Euro ’96 football championships and a Russia vs Germany match was to take place in Manchester the following day.

Since 1970 the Provisional IRA had been waging a campaign aimed at forcing the British government to negotiate a withdrawal from Northern Ireland. Although Manchester had been the target of IRA bombs before 1996, it had not been subjected to an attack on this scale. In February 1996, the IRA had ended its seventeen-month ceasefire with a similarly large truck bomb attack on London’s Canary Wharf financial district.

The Manchester bombing was condemned by the British and Irish governments and US President Bill Clinton. Five days after the blast, the IRA issued a statement in which it claimed responsibility, but regretted causing injury to civilians.

Several buildings near the explosion were damaged beyond repair and had to be demolished, while many more were closed for months for structural repairs. Most of the rebuilding work was completed by the end of 1999, at a cost of £1.2 billion, although redevelopment continued until 2005. The perpetrators of the attack have not been caught, and Greater Manchester Police have conceded it is unlikely that anyone will be charged in connection with the bombing.

 

Background

 

From 1970 the Provisional Irish Republican Army (IRA) was carrying out an armed campaign aimed ultimately at bringing about a united Ireland. As well as attacking military and political targets, it also bombed infrastructure and commercial targets in Northern Ireland and England. It believed that by damaging the economy and causing severe disruption, it could pressure the British government to negotiate a withdrawal from Northern Ireland.

Manchester had been the target of earlier IRA bombs. Firebombs damaged city centre businesses in 1973 and 1974, for which a man was later imprisoned. In April 1974, a bomb exploded at Manchester Magistrates’ Court, injuring twelve. In 1975, IRA bomb factories were found in Greater Manchester and five men were imprisoned for planning attacks in North West England.

On 4 December 1992, the IRA detonated two small bombs in Manchester city centre, forcing police to evacuate thousands of shoppers. More than 60 were hurt by shattered glass and the blasts cost an estimated £10 million in damage and business losses.

The Downing Street Declaration of 1993 allowed Sinn Féin, a political party associated with the IR  to participate in all-party peace negotiations on condition that the IRA called a ceasefire. The IRA called a ceasefire on 31 August 1994. John Major‘s government, dependent on Ulster unionist votes, then began insisting that the IRA must fully disarm before there could be any all-party negotiations. The IRA saw this as a demand for total surrender and believed the British were unwilling to hold negotiations. It ended its ceasefire on 9 February 1996 when it detonated a powerful truck bomb in Canary Wharf, one of the two financial districts of London. The blast killed two people and caused an estimated £150 million worth of damage.

The IRA then planted five other devices in London within the space of 10 weeks.

The IRA planned to carry out a similar bombing in Manchester. The city may have been chosen because it was one of the host cities of the Euro ’96 football tournament, attended by visitors and media organisations from all over Europe, guaranteeing the IRA what Margaret Thatcher called the “oxygen of publicity”. A Russia vs Germany match was to take place at Old Trafford in Manchester a day after the bombing.

The year before, Manchester had also won its bid to host the 2002 Commonwealth Games, at the time the biggest multi-sport event ever to be staged in Britain.

On 10 June 1996, multi-party negotiations began in Belfast. Sinn Féin had been elected to take part but were barred because the IRA had not resumed its ceasefire or agreed to disarm.

Details of the bombing

The IRA’s South Armagh Brigade was tasked with planning and carrying out the attack. It had also been responsible for the Canary Wharf bombing in February, and the Bishopsgate bombing in 1993. Its members mixed the explosives in Ireland and shipped them by freight from Dublin to England. In London, the bomb was assembled and loaded into the back of a red and white Ford Cargo box truck. On 14 June it was driven north towards Manchester, accompanied by a Ford Granada which served as a ‘scout car’.

Discovery

 

Three photographs arranged one on top of the other, taken from the air. The first shows a white truck parked outside a tall building. The second shows a sheet of flame, and the third, taken from further away than the first, shows a tall mushroom-shaped cloud rising into the sky above the surrounding buildings.

Stills taken from India 99, a Greater Manchester Police helicopter, showing the Ford Cargo truck moments before the blast, the explosion taking place, and the resulting mushroom cloud over the city, dwarfing the adjacent 23-storey high-rise, Arndale House.

At about 9:20 am on Saturday 15 June 1996, the Ford Cargo truck was parked on Corporation Street, outside the Marks & Spencer store, near the Arndale Centre.[1] After setting the bomb’s timer, two men – wearing hooded jackets, baseball caps and sunglasses – left the vehicle and walked to Cathedral Street, where a third man picked them up in the Ford Granada.

The truck had been parked on double yellow lines with its hazard lights flashing. Within three minutes a traffic warden had issued the vehicle with a parking ticket and called for its removal.

At about 9:40 am, Granada Studios on Quay Street received a telephone call claiming that there was a bomb at the corner of Corporation Street and Cannon Street and that it would explode in one hour. The caller had an Irish accent and gave an IRA codeword so that police would know the threat was genuine.

Four other telephoned warnings were sent to television/radio stations, newspapers and a hospital.

The first policeman to arrive on the scene noticed wires running from the truck’s dashboard through a hole into the back and reported that he had found the bomb. Forensic experts later estimated that the bomb weighed 3,300 to 3,500 pounds (1,500–1,600 kg)  and was a mixture of semtex, a military-grade plastic explosive, and ammonium nitrate fertiliser,  a cheap and easily obtainable explosive used extensively by the IRA. Components of what may have been a tremble trigger were also found later, designed to detonate the bomb if it was tampered with.

Evacuation

At 10:00 am, there were an estimated 75,000–80,000 people shopping and working in the vicinity. An evacuation of the area was undertaken by police officers from Bootle Street police station, supplemented by officers drafted into Manchester to control the football crowds. The police were helped by security guards from local shops.

One group worked to move people away from the bomb while another, assisted by firefighters and security guards, established a continuously expanding cordon around the area to prevent entry. By 11:10 am the cordon was at the greatest extent that available manpower would permit, about a quarter of a mile (400 m) from the truck and 1.5 miles (2.4 km) in circumference.

Explosion

 

The bomb squad arrived from their Liverpool base at 10:46 am and attempted to defuse the bomb using a remote-controlled device, but they ran out of time. The bomb exploded at 11:17 am, causing an estimated £700 million (£1.2 billion as of 2016) of damage and affecting a third of the city centre’s retail space. Marks & Spencer, the sky bridge connecting it with the Arndale Centre, and neighbouring buildings were destroyed. It was the largest peacetime bomb ever detonated in Great Britain,and the blast created a mushroom cloud which rose 300 metres (1,000 feet) from the ground.

15th June manchester bomb going off.png

The explosion could be heard up to 15 miles away and left a crater 15 metres wide.  Glass and masonry were thrown into the air, and behind the police cordon – up to 12 mi (800 m) away, people were showered by falling debris.

There were no fatalities, but 212 people were injured. A search of the area for casualties was confused by mannequins blasted from shop windows, which were sometimes mistaken for bodies. Hospitals across Greater Manchester were made ready to receive those injured in the blast. The police commandeered a Metrolink tram to take 50 of the casualties to North Manchester General Hospital, which treated 79 in total; a further 80 were cared for at the Manchester Royal Infirmary, and many others were treated in the streets by ambulance crews assisted by doctors and nurses who happened to be in the city centre that morning.

Reaction

The bombing was condemned by British Prime Minister John Major and his government, by the opposition, and by individual members of parliament (MPs) as a “sickening”, “callous” and “barbaric” terrorist attack. Early on, Major stated that,

“This explosion looks like the work of the IRA. It is the work of a few fanatics and … causes absolute revulsion in Ireland as it does here”.

Sinn Féin was criticised by Taoiseach John Bruton for being :

“struck mute” on the attack in the immediate aftermath. Bruton described the bombing as “a slap in the face to people who’ve been trying, against perhaps their better instincts, to give Sinn Féin a chance to show that they could persuade the IRA to reinstate the ceasefire”.

The President of the United States, Bill Clinton, stated he was “deeply outraged by the bomb explosion” and joined Bruton and Major in “utterly condemning this brutal and cowardly act of terrorism”. Sinn Féin President, Gerry Adams, stated that he was “shocked and saddened” by the bombing. He insisted that his party was committed to achieving a peace settlement and argued “it is sheer folly to return to the old agenda of excluding Sinn Féin and seeking to isolate republicans”.

On 20 June 1996, the IRA claimed responsibility for the bombing, and stated that it “sincerely regretted” causing injury to civilians.

The IRA statement continued:

The British Government has spent the last 22 months since August ’94 trying to force the surrender of IRA weapons and the defeat of the republican struggle. We are still prepared to enhance the democratic peace process […] but if there is to be a lasting peace […] then the British Government must put the democratic rights of all of the people of Ireland before its own party political self interest.

The bombing came five days after the beginning of the peace talks in Belfast, and represented the IRA’s opposition to talks which excluded republicans. The attack was part of a political strategy by the IRA to be included in negotiations on the IRA’s own terms.  According to historian Richard English:

“What they were doing with their return to bombings like the Manchester bomb was saying, ‘We can still return to war if we want to. We can still put off a huge bomb in your cities and devastate them and therefore you have to deal with us'”.

In an effort to allay fears that Manchester’s considerable Irish community might be subjected to reprisal attacks, Councillors Richard Leese and Martin Pagel – leader and deputy leader of Manchester City Council respectively – made a public visit to the Irish World Heritage Centre in Cheetham Hill. In the event there were only a few incidents, the most serious of which occurred on the evening of the bomb when a gang of ten men rampaged through an Irish-themed bar in the centre of Middleton shouting the Ulster loyalist slogan “No surrender” and smashing furniture and windows.

Seven days after the bombing, Manchester Council held a ‘family fun day’ in front of the Town Hall in Albert Square to encourage shoppers and visitors back into the city centre, the first of a “series of events and entertainments”.

The Euro ’96 football match between Russia and Germany at Old Trafford went ahead as planned the day following the bombing, after the stadium had been heavily guarded overnight and carefully searched; the game, which Germany won 3–0, was watched by a capacity crowd of 50,700.[43]

Investigation

A damaged traffic light that stood on the corner of the junction between Cross Street and Market Street at the time of the explosion, now in the Museum of Science and Industry

In an effort to trace the route of the Ford Cargo truck, police examined CCTV footage from every major road and motorway taken in England within two days of the bombing. Footage revealed that the truck was driven south along the M1 motorway into London on the Friday afternoon before the attack.

It was seen again heading north along the motorway at 7:40 pm, accompanied by the Ford Granada. Detectives surmised that the truck had been loaded with explosives in London and that the Granada was intended to be the getaway vehicle. The truck was last recorded travelling east along the M62 motorway towards Manchester at 8:31 am on the morning of the explosion.

Police in Manchester were aware that their Metropolitan Police colleagues in London were investigating a suspected IRA unit based in the capital, and wondered whether the London unit was responsible for the Manchester bombing. On 15 July, Metropolitan police arrested six men suspected of IRA membership: Donal Gannon, John Crawley, Gerard Hanratty, Robert Morrow, Patrick Martin, and Francis Rafferty. Each was tried and convicted of “conspiracy to cause explosions at National Grid electricity stations”, and sentenced to 35 years in jail. Police in Manchester meanwhile worked to establish if the men were also responsible for the Manchester bomb.

Their investigation was led by Detective Chief Inspector Gordon Mutch of the Greater Manchester Police (GMP), “astonishingly … the only person ever charged with a criminal offence in connection with the Manchester bomb”.

The truck’s last registered owner told police that he had sold it to a dealer in Peterborough, who had in turn sold the truck on to a man calling himself Tom Fox, two weeks before the bombing. After the purchase price was delivered in cash by a taxi driver, the dealer was instructed to take the truck to a nearby lorry park, and leave it there with the keys and documents hidden inside.

On checking records of telephone calls made to the dealer, the police found that some had been made from a mobile phone registered in Ireland, and on further checking the records of that phone it appeared that the calls were made from locations consistent with the known whereabouts of the Ford truck. One call was to a known IRA member.

The phone was last used at 9:23 am on the morning of the bombing, just three minutes after the bombers had parked their truck in Corporation Street. On 27 June, the phone’s registered owner reported that it had been stolen 17 days earlier, but the police felt they had gathered enough evidence to bring a prosecution against the six IRA men held in London.

At a meeting attended by the commander of Special Branch in Manchester, a GMP assistant chief constable and a “senior officer” from the Royal Ulster Constabulary, it was decided, for reasons never made public, not to present the findings of the investigation to the Crown Prosecution Service (CPS); the body responsible for undertaking criminal prosecutions in England.

The three may have felt that as the IRA suspects were already in police custody they were no longer a threat, or that to pursue the case against them may have jeopardised ongoing undercover operations. It was not until 1998 that the police finally sent their file to the CPS, who decided not to prosecute.

Leak

Early in 1999, Steve Panter, chief crime reporter for the Manchester Evening News, was leaked classified Special Branch documents naming those suspected of the bombing. The documents also revealed that the man suspected of organising the attack had visited Manchester shortly after the bombing and been under covert police surveillance as he toured the devastated city centre before returning to his home in South Armagh.

Suspicion fell on Mutch as the source of the leaked documents after an analysis of mobile phone records placed both him and Panter at the same hotel in Skipton, North Yorkshire, about 40 miles (64 km) from Manchester on the same evening.

On 21 April 1999, the Manchester Evening News named a man it described as “a prime suspect in the 1996 Manchester bomb plot”.

The newspaper reported that the file sent by Greater Manchester Police to the Crown Prosecution Service contained the sentence: “It is the opinion of the investigating officers of GMP that there is sufficient evidence to charge [him] with being a party in a conspiracy to cause explosions in the United Kingdom.”

The man denied any involvement.

The Attorney General wrote in a letter to a local MP that the advice given to the CPS by an independent lawyer was that “there was not a case to answer on the evidence available … a judge would stop the case”: the Attorney General further wrote that the decision not to prosecute was not influenced by the government. The newspaper also identified the six men arrested in London on 15 July as having planned the attack.

By July 2000 all six had been released under the terms of the 1998 Belfast Agreement.

As of 2016, Panter and Mutch are the only people to have been arrested in connection with the bombing. Mutch was tried for “misconduct in a public office” during an 11-day trial held in January 2002, but was acquitted. During the trial Panter was found in contempt of court for refusing to reveal his source, an offence punishable by a term of imprisonment without the right of appeal.

Greater Manchester Police announced in 2006 that there was no realistic chance of convicting those responsible for the bombing.[

Reconstruction

About twelve buildings in the immediate vicinity of the explosion were severely damaged. Overall, 530,000 square feet (49,000 m2) of retail space and 610,000 square feet (57,000 m2) of office space ere put out of use.

Insurers paid out £411 million (£700 million as of 2016) in damages for what was at the time one of the most expensive man-made disasters ever,and there was considerable under-insurance.

Victims of the bombing received a total of £1,145,971 in compensation from the Criminal Injuries Compensation Authority; one individual received £146,524, the largest amount awarded as a result of this incident.

 

Close to the location of the blast, 2009

According to Home Office statistics, an estimated 400 businesses within half a mile (0.8 km) of the blast were affected, 40% of which did not recover.

The heaviest damage was sustained by the three buildings nearest the bomb: Michael House, comprising a Marks & Spencer store and a six-storey office block; Longridge House, offices for Royal and Sun Alliance, an insurance company; and the Arndale Centre, a shopping mall. Michael House was deemed beyond economic repair and demolished. Marks & Spencer took the opportunity to acquire and demolish the adjacent Longridge House, using the enlarged site for the world’s biggest branch of the store.

The company’s fortunes changed during construction, and Selfridges subsequently co-occupied the building; Marks & Spencer leased part of the Lewis’s store in the interim. The frontage of the Arndale was badly damaged and was removed in a remodelling of that part of the city centre.

Coming to Manchester [after the bombing] was a journey I shall never forget. I sat on the train obviously deeply shocked and horrified. I knew that questions would be asked about what we were going to do; what is the right solution. Then I knew what the right solution was – to see this event, horrific as it was, as an opportunity and, no mucking about, we must do things on the grand scale and to the best quality we can.

 

Michael Heseltine, then-Deputy Prime Minister

The glass domes of the Corn Exchange and the Royal Exchange were blown in. The landlord of the Corn Exchange invoked a force majeure condition in the lease to evict all tenants, and the building was converted into a shopping centre. The dome of the Royal Exchange shifted in the blast; its reconstruction took two and a half years and cost £32 million, paid for by the National Lottery.

The possibility of rebuilding parts of the city centre was raised within days of the bomb. On 26 June 1996, Michael Heseltine, the Deputy Prime Minister, announced an international competition for designs of the redevelopment of the bomb-affected area. Bids were received from 27 entrants, five of whom were invited to submit designs in a second round.

It was announced on 5 November 1996 that the winning design was one by a consortium headed by EDAW.

Redevelopment

Much of the 1960s redevelopment of Manchester’s city centre was unpopular with residents. Market Street, near the explosion and at that time the second-busiest shopping street in the UK, was considered by some commentators a “fearful” place, to be “avoided like the plague”.

Until Margaret Thatcher‘s third consecutive election victory in 1987, the staunchly Labour-controlled Manchester Council believed that Manchester’s regeneration should be funded solely by public money, despite the government’s insistence on only funding schemes with a significant element of private investment. Graham Stringer, leader of Manchester City Council, later admitted that after the 1987 General Election result “there was no get out of jail card. We had gambled on Labour winning the General Election and we lost.”

Thatcher’s victory effectively put paid to Manchester’s “socialist experiment”, and Stringer shortly afterwards wrote a letter of capitulation to Nicholas Ridley, then Secretary of State for the Environment, saying, “in a nutshell; OK, you win, we’d like to work together with you”.

Efforts at improvement before the bombing had in some respects made matters worse, cutting off the area north of the Arndale Centre – the exterior of which was widely unloved – from the rest of the city centre. A large building nearby, now redeveloped as The Printworks and formerly occupied by the Daily Mirror newspaper, had been unoccupied since 1987.

Many locals therefore considered that “the bomb was the best thing that ever happened to Manchester” as it cleared the way for redevelopment of the dysfunctional city centre, a view also expressed in 2007 by Terry Rooney, MP for Bradford North. The leader of the Liberal Democrat opposition on Manchester City Council, Simon Ashley, responded that “I take exception to his [Rooney’s] comments about the IRA bomb.

No one who was in the city on that day, who lost their jobs or was scared witless or injured by the blast, would say the bomb was the best thing to happen to Manchester”.

Sir Gerald Kaufman, MP for Manchester Gorton, stated that the bomb provided the opportunity for redeveloping Manchester city centre, although it was not fully exploited. “The bomb was obviously bad but from a redevelopment point of view, it was a lost opportunity. While the area around St Ann’s Square and Deansgate is not disagreeable, if you compare it with Birmingham and its exciting development, we’ve got nothing to touch that in Manchester”.

Howard Bernstein, chief executive of Manchester City Council, has been quoted as saying “people say the bomb turned out to be a great thing for Manchester. That’s rubbish.” There was already substantial regeneration and redevelopment taking place in the city centre before the bombing, in support of the Manchester bid for the 2000 Summer Olympics, its second Olympic bid. Tom Bloxham, chairman of property development group Urban Splash and of the Arts Council England (North West), agreed with Bernstein that the bomb attack was not the trigger for the large-scale redevelopment that has taken place in Manchester since the early 1990s:

 

Standard red UK pillar box

A pillar box that withstood the bomb blast. A memorial brass plaque commemorates the 1996 bomb.

For me the turning point for Manchester came before the bomb … it was the second Olympic Games bid [in 1992] when we lost but the city suddenly had a realisation. There was a huge party in Castlefield and people grasped the idea that Manchester should no longer consider itself in competition with the likes of Barnsley and Stockport. It was now up against Barcelona, Los Angeles and Sydney and its aspirations increased accordingly.

Memorials

A pillar box that survived the blast, despite being yards from the explosion, now carries a small brass plaque recording the bombing. It was removed during construction and redevelopment work, and returned to its original spot when Corporation Street reopened.

The plaque reads:

This postbox remained standing almost undamaged on June 15th 1996 when this area was devastated by a bomb. The box was removed during the rebuilding of the city centre and was returned to its original site on
November 22nd 1999

A Thanksgiving service for the “Miracle of Manchester” was held at Manchester Cathedral on 24 July 2002, to coincide with the arrival of the Commonwealth Games baton, attended by Queen Elizabeth II and The Duke of Edinburgh. At 11:17 am on 15 June 2006, a candle was lit at a memorial held at Manchester Cathedral to mark the tenth anniversary of the bombing.

 

IRA Lisburn “Fun Run” bombing.1988 Lisburn van bombing

1988 Lisburn van Bombing

IRA Charity Run Slaughter

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On 15 June 1988 an unmarked military van carrying six British Army soldiers was blown up by the Provisional Irish Republican Army (IRA) at Market Place in Lisburn, Northern Ireland. The explosion took place at the end of a charity marathon run in which the soldiers had participated. All six soldiers were killed in the attack – four outright, one on his way to hospital and another later on in hospital.

Lisburn van bombing.jpg

Lisburn is the headquarters of the British Army in Northern Ireland. Four of the dead were from the Royal Corps of Signals regiment whilst the other two were from the Green Howards and Royal Army Ordnance Corps regiments respectively. A booby-trap bomb was hidden under the Ford Transit van in which the soldiers were travelling, and was designed in such a way that the blast went upwards to cause maximum damage to the vehicle. Eleven civilian bystanders were injured, including a two-year-old child and 80-year-old man.

The bombing is sometimes referred to as the Lisburn “Fun Run” bombing.

 

On Wednesday 15 June 1988 at 8:50pm, an unmarked blue Ford Transit van carrying six off-duty British soldiers in civilian clothes drove off from a leisure centre carpark in Lisburn. The soldiers had just taken part in the “Lisburn Fun Run”, a 13-mile (21 km) charity half marathon held in the town. They had left the van unattended in the carpark, which was the start and finish point for the run.

It was there that an IRA Active Service Unit (ASU), who had been following the van, hid a booby-trap bomb underneath the vehicle. The half marathon and shorter “fun runs” were organised by Lisburn Borough Council, together with the YMCA, to raise funds for the disabled. There were 4,500 participants that day and at least 200 British Army personnel had been given leave to participate in the event.

Nine minutes later, the van stopped at traffic lights at Market Place, in Lisburn’s town centre. As the van moved on, the seven-pound (3.2 kg) booby-trap bomb detonated, turning the van into a massive fireball and instantly killing four of the soldiers as the vehicle disintegrated with the force of the blast. The Semtex device had been designed in a cone shape to channel the blast upwards, thereby causing maximum damage to the vehicle and the soldiers inside.

The area around Market Place was crowded with onlookers, including many teenagers and families with young children, although the biggest crowd was at the carpark. In all, about 10,000 onlookers had attended the charity run. There was pandemonium as frightened parents searched for their children, whilst others rushed to give aid to the dead and dying soldiers before fire engines and ambulances arrived.

Eleven civilian bystanders were injured in the attack, including a two-year-old child and an 80-year-old man. Another soldier died on the way to hospital whilst a sixth soldier died later that night after undergoing surgery for severe head injuries. The dead soldiers were stationed at Ebrington Barracks in Derry and were returning to base when the bomb went off. Four of the men – Sergeant Michael Winkler (31), Signalman Mark Clavey (24), Lance Corporal Graham Lambie (22), and Corporal William Patterson (22) – were from the Royal Signals regiment, whilst the other two – Corporal Ian Metcalf (36) and Lance Corporal Derek Green (20) – were from the Green Howards and Royal Army Ordnance Corps regiments respectively.

Lisburn is a mainly Ulster Protestant town, 14 miles (23 km) southwest of Belfast. It serves as the garrison headquarters of the British Army in Northern Ireland. Six months before the van bombing, a booby-trap bomb planted by the IRA killed Ulster Defence Association (UDA) leader John McMichael in the town.

The van bombing resulted in the greatest loss of life suffered by the British Army since 11 soldiers were killed in the Droppin Well Disco bombing on 6 December 1982.

In Belfast, on the same day as the Lisburn attack, the IRA shot dead the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF)’s East Belfast commander, Robert “Squeak” Seymour (33). This was retaliation for the UVF bombing of an Irish nationalist pub in which three Catholics died.

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Aftermath

On 16 June, the Provisional IRA Belfast Brigade claimed responsibility for the bombing, promising to wage “unceasing war” against the British security forces in Northern Ireland  Sinn Féin president Gerry Adams allegedly said that the IRA’s killing of the six soldiers was “vastly preferable” to killing members of the (locally-recruited) Ulster Defence Regiment (UDR) or Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC).

The leisure centre was forced to remain shut for a time after the loyalist Protestant Action Force (a covername of the UVF) issued a warning that they regarded Catholic staff working there as “legitimate targets”, inferring that they may have had a hand in the bombing. Lisburn mayor Councillor William Bleakes condemned the threats by the PAF.

That same day, Tom King, then Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, travelled to Lisburn where he held a meeting with Lieutenant General Sir John Waters, the British Army Commander in Northern Ireland, and senior RUC officers. They discussed the attack and proposals for heightened security. The soldiers had failed to follow proper security procedures, as they had left their vehicle unguarded for over two hours and had then driven off without having checked under it beforehand. After the Lisburn meeting, King flew to London where he reported directly to British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher, who described the attack as a “terrible atrocity”.  However, she rejected demands from Conservative members of Parliament to bring back internment, regarding the proposal as “a very serious step”.

In his statement to the House of Commons, Tom King suggested that there would have been a much higher death toll had the bomb exploded in the carpark, where thousands of people had gathered after the run.

The Republic of Ireland‘s government also strongly condemned the killings and extended its sympathy to the families of the dead soldiers. The bombing was a topic of debate in the Seanad Éireann on 16 June 1988. Bishop Cathal Daly of Down and Connor denounced the bombers and the killings in the “strongest possible terms”.

Questions were raised as to how the IRA knew the soldiers were attending the charity run in Lisburn, how they recognised their unmarked van, and how the unit was able to plant a bomb in the predominantly loyalist town without being spotted, despite the amount of people in the carpark.

The RUC believed that the bombers may have been wearing sports gear as they mingled with the crowd that evening; they appealed to onlookers who had attended the event to hand over any film they may have taken of the “fun run” in an attempt to identify the IRA bombers .

The following Saturday, between 1,000 and 2,000 people gathered in Lisburn town centre to attend a remembrance service for the six soldiers. A book of condolences was also opened

 

 

 

15th June – Deaths & Events in Northern Ireland Troubles

 

Key Events & Deaths on this day in Northern Ireland Troubles

15th June

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Sunday 15 June 1969

The Campaign for Social Justice published a second edition of ‘Northern Ireland The Plain Truth’, [PDF; ], which set out the allegations of discrimination against Catholics by Unionists in the region.

Thursday 15 June 1972

Representatives of the Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP) met William Whitelaw, then Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, in London and presented the Irish Republican Army (IRA) conditions for a meeting. Whitelaw accepted the proposals.

[The IRA made an announcement about the proposed ceasefire on Thursday 22 June 1972.]

Monday 15 June 1981

Sinn Féin (SF) issued a statement to say that a Republican prisoner would join the hunger strike every week.

[This was seen as a stepping-up of the hunger strike. Paddy Quinn, then an Irish Republican Army (IRA) prisoner joined the strike.]

Tuesday 15 June 1982

The Falkland Islands were recaptured by British forces.

[This brought an end to the Falkands War.]

Friday 15 June 1984

A member of the Irish National Liberation Army (INLA) and a Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) officer were killed in an exchange of gunfire after the RUC surrounded a house in Lenadoon Avenue, Belfast.

Monday 15 June 1987

Tom King was reappointed as Secretary for State for Northern Ireland. Nicholas Scott, formerly the Minister for State at the Northern Ireland Office, was replaced by John Stanley.

Sunday 15 June 1988

Lisburn Killings

PicMonkey Collage with text x 3

An Irish Republican Army (IRA) bomb in Lisburn killed six off-duty British Army soldiers.

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See IRA Lisburn “Fun Run” bombing

A member of the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) was killed by the IRA in Belfast.

Thursday 15 June 1989

European Elections

Elections to the European Parliament were conducted in Northern Ireland. [The percentage share of the vote was: Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) 29.95%; Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP) 25.5%; Ulster Unionist Party (UUP) 21.5%; Sinn Féin (SF) 9.2%; Alliance Party of Northern Ireland (APNI) 5.2%; Ecology Party (EP) 1.2%; Workers Party (WP) 1.1%; Others 1.6%; Turnout 48.3%. (See detailed results.)] Elections took place in the Republic of Ireland to the Dáil. Although Fianna Fáil (FF) gained that largest number of seats the party it did not win sufficient support to form a government.

[FF formed a government with the Progressive Democrat (PD) party on 12 July 1989.]

Friday 15 June 1990

Peter Brooke, then Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, met with representatives of the Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP). It was announced that talks would begin after the summer holidays.

Saturday 15 June 1991

(Sir) Ninian Stephen, then an Australian High Court judge and a former Governor-General of Australia, was named as the independent chairman for the strand of the forthcoming talks (later known as the Brooke / Mayhew talks) involving relationships between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland.

Tuesday 15 June 1993

The Standing Advisory Commission on Human Rights (SACHR) argued for changes to the way in which the House of Commons dealt with legislation on Northern Ireland matters.

[Following the introduction of Direct Rule the region was governed under a Temporary Provisions Act, and Northern Ireland legislation was introduce by way of ‘Orders in Council’. The main criticism of this procedure was that the legislation could not be amended in the House of Commons.]

Wednesday 15 June 1994

Albert Reynolds, then Taoiseach (Irish Prime Minister), sent a letter containing ‘clarification’ of the Downing Street Declaration to Gary McMichael, then leader of the Ulster Democratic Party (UDP).

The letter stated: “We do not seek to impose constitutional change by stealth or coercion, whether it be a united Ireland, or joint sovereignty or joint authority. What we seek is a new accommodation between the two traditions on this island …” (Belfast Telegraph, 24 June 1994).

Thursday 15 June 1995

There was a Westminster by-election in the constituency of North Down. The by-election was called following the death on 20 March 1995 of the sitting Member of Parliament James Kilfedder. The election was won by Robert McCartney, of the United Kingdom Unionist Party (UKUP).

[The turnout at 39 per cent was the lowest in the history of Northern Ireland for a parliamentary by-election.]

Saturday 15 June 1996

Manchester Bombing

The Irish Republican Army (IRA) exploded a bomb in Manchester, which destroyed a large part of the city centre and injured 200 people.

The bomb was estimated to have contained one-and-a-half tonnes of home-made explosives. Although a warning of one hour and twenty minutes was received by a local television station injuries were still caused by the sheer scale of the explosion.

In response to the Manchester bomb the Ulster Freedom Fighters (UFF) announced that it was putting its members ‘on alert’.

Niall Donovan (28), a Catholic man, was stabbed to death near Dungannon, County Tyrone.

Tuesday 15 June 1999

In a keynote speech at Stranmillis College in Belfast Tony Blair, then British Prime Minister, said the governments would “have to look for another way forward” if the devolution deadline were missed.

Blair also invited Portadown Orangemen and representatives of the Garvaghy Road Residents’ Coalition (GRRC) to new talks at Stormont in a further attempt to resolve the dispute surrounding the Drumcree parade planned for 4 July 1999.

Bertie Ahern, then Taoiseach (Irish Prime Minister), said the Irish and British governments would “set aside” the Good Friday Agreement and seek alternative means of political progress if a breakthrough was not made by 30 June 1999. Ahern told the Dáil the decommissioning issue had now been “debated to death”.

  

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Remembering all innocent victims of the Troubles

Today is the anniversary of the death of the following people killed as a results of the conflict in Northern Ireland

“To live in hearts we leave behind is not to die

– Thomas Campbell

To the innocent on the list – Your memory will live forever

– To the Paramilitaries –

There are many things worth living for, a few things worth dying for, but nothing worth killing for.

15 People lost their lives on the 15th June between 1974 – 1975

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15 June 1973
Michael Wilson  (18)

Protestant
Status: Ulster Defence Association (UDA),

Killed by: Ulster Defence Association (UDA)
Shot at the home of his relative, Ulster Defence Association leader Tommy Herron, Ravenswood Park, Braniel, Belfast. Internal Ulster Defence Association dispute.

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15 June 1974


Patrick Cunningham   (26)

Catholic
Status: Civilian (Civ),

Killed by: British Army (BA)
Shot by British Army (BA) foot patrol while in disused graveyard near his home, Benburb, County Tyrone

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15 June 1982


Hugh Cummings  (39)

Protestant
Status: Ulster Defence Regiment (UDR), Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Off duty. Shot near his workplace while walking along Lower Main Street, Strabane, County Tyrone

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15 June 1984


Michael Todd   (22)

Protestant
Status: Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC),

Killed by: Irish National Liberation Army (INLA)
Shot during gun battle after Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) members surrounded house, Lenadoon Avenue, Belfast.

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15 June 1984


Paul McCann   (20)

Catholic
Status: Irish National Liberation Army (INLA),

Killed by: Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC)
Shot during gun battle after Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) members surrounded house, Lenadoon Avenue, Belfast

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15 June 1985


Willis Agnew   (53)

Protestant
Status: Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Off duty. Shot while sitting in stationary car outside friend’s home, Gortin Road, Kilrea, County Derry.

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15 June 1987
Nathaniel Cush   (47)

Protestant
Status: ex-Ulster Defence Regiment (xUDR),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Killed by booby trap bomb attached to his car outside his workplace, Tomb Street, off Corporation Street, Belfast.

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15 June 1988
Robert Seymour   (33)

Protestant
Status: Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Shot at his shop, Woodstock Road, Belfast.

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15 June 1988


Derek Green  (20)

nfNI
Status: British Army (BA),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Off duty. Killed by booby trap bomb attached to British Army (BA) minibus, Market Square, Lisburn, County Antrim.

See IRA Lisburn “Fun Run” bombing

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15 June 1988

Michael Winkler   (31)

nfNI
Status: British Army (BA),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Off duty. Killed by booby trap bomb attached to British Army (BA) minibus, Market Square, Lisburn, County Antrim.

See IRA Lisburn “Fun Run” bombing

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15 June 1988


 Mark Clavey   (24)

nfNI
Status: British Army (BA),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Off duty. Killed by booby trap bomb attached to British Army (BA) minibus, Market Square, Lisburn, County Antrim.

See IRA Lisburn “Fun Run” bombing

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15 June 1988


Graham Lambie   (22)

nfNI
Status: British Army (BA),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Off duty. Killed by booby trap bomb attached to British Army (BA) minibus, Market Square, Lisburn, County Antrim.

See IRA Lisburn “Fun Run” bombing

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15 June 1988


William Paterson   (22)

nfNI
Status: British Army (BA),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Off duty. Killed by booby trap bomb attached to British Army (BA) minibus, Market Square, Lisburn, County Antrim.

See IRA Lisburn “Fun Run” bombing

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15 June 1988


Ian Metcalfe  (36)

nfNI
Status: British Army (BA),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Off duty. Killed by booby trap bomb attached to British Army (BA) minibus, Market Square, Lisburn, County Antrim.

See IRA Lisburn “Fun Run” bombing

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15 June 1989
Adam Gilbert  (21)

nfNI
Status: British Army (BA),

Killed by: British Army (BA)
Shot in error, by other British Army (BA) member, firing at stolen car, while on BA foot patrol, junction of New Lodge Road and Antrim Road, Belfast.

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