SAF Airstrike 02/01

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7th October – Deaths & Events in Northern Ireland Troubles

Key Events & Deaths on this day in Northern Ireland Troubles
7th October

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Friday 7 October 1977

Desmond Irvine (38), then Chairman of the Northern Ireland Prison Officers’ Association, was shot dead by the Irish Republican Army (IRA) in Wellington Park, Belfast. The Irish Independence Party (IIP) was launched. The IIP was a Nationalist political party which advocated British withdrawal from Northern Ireland. The founding members of the IIP were Frank McManus and Fergus McAteer. The IIP was seen as a potential challenge to the domination of nationalist politics by the Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP).

Thursday 7 October 1982

A member of the Ulster Defence Regiment (UDR) and a Prison Officer were killed in a connected incident in Kilmore, County Armagh.

Wednesday 7 October 1987

Peter Robinson, then deputy leader of the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP), resigned as deputy leader. (??)

Sunday 7 October 1990

In an interview John Hume, then leader of the Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP), was called for the abandonment of the present proposals for the commencement of political talks.

Thursday 7 October 1993

Hume Meets Taoiseach John Hume, then leader of the Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP), travelled to Dublin to meet Albert Reynolds, then Taoiseach (Irish Prime Minster), and Dick Spring, then Tánaiste (deputy Irish Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs). Hume gave them a report on the meetings he had held with Gerry Adams, then President of Sinn Féin (SF).

Adams, who was also in Dublin, said that a declaration by the British government on the right of Irish self-determination would lead to an end of the campaign of violence by the Irish Republican Army (IRA). At the trial of three former British police officers in London was ended by the judge because of what he termed “saturation” publicity surrounding the case. The three officers had been accused of perjury and conspiracy to pervert the course of justice in the case of the Birmingham Six.

Monday 7 October 1996

IRA Bombing of Army Headquarters The Irish Republican Army (IRA) exploded two bombs in the British Army Headquarters, Thiepval Barracks, Lisburn, County Antrim (responsibility for the bombs was claimed on 8 October 1996).

31 people were injured, four seriously, in the attack. (Warrant Officer James Bradwell (43) died four days later (11 October) of injuries received in the blasts).

The bombs were each estimated to have contained 800 pounds of home-made explosive. The car bombs were smuggled into what is considered to be the top security base in Northern Ireland. The bombs were the first attack against the security forces in Northern Ireland by the IRA since their ceasefire on 31 August 1994.

The bombing coincided with the start of the Conservative Party conference in Bournemouth, and a meeting between loyalist prisoners and representatives of the Progressive Unionist Party (PUP) in the Maze Prison

Tuesday 7 October 1997

Substantive Talks Began at Stormont A bomb was sent by mail to the office of Jeffrey Donaldson, then Ulster Unionist Party (UUP) Member of Parliament (MP) . Donaldson was in America at the time and the device was defused by the British Army. Those parties taking part in the talks returned to Stormont to being discussing substantive issues. However, David Trimble, then leader of the UUP, was not present as he was still on a two-day visit to the United States of America (USA). During the visit Trimble had a meeting with Bill Clinton, then President of the United States of America. The talks in Belfast were also overshadowed by the resignation of Ray Burke, then Irish Foreign Minister.

Alan Clark, formerly a British Defence Minister, spoke at a fringe meeting of the Conservative Party conference and said that “the only solution for dealing with the IRA [Irish Republican Army] is kill 600 people in one night”.

[Clark later said that he was only joking.]

Thursday 7 October 1999

Ian Paisley, then leader of the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP), addressed a rally, estimated at 500 people, which was organised to ‘Defend the RUC’. The rally was held in Newtownards, County Down, and was planned as being the first in a series. Esmond Bernie, then Ulster Unionist Party (UUP) MLA, told a party meeting that he would accept “jumping together” with Sinn Féin (SF) into government. He was prepared to accept this ahead of decommissioning if SF ministers agreed to resign if Irish Republican Army (IRA) decommissioning of arms did not occur. The Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) announced that Nigel Dodds would stand as a candidate for the party at the next general election in north Belfast. Previously in the 1997 general election Cecil Walker, then UUP MP, had not been opposed by any Unionist candidate.

[At the 2001 general election Dodds won the seat.]

Saturday 7 October 2000

David Trimble, then leader of the Ulster Unionist Party (UUP), delivered a strong speech in defence of power-sharing at the annual conference of the UUP. Most delegates give him a standing ovation but there was a significant section of the delegates who booed.

Sunday 7 October 2001

There was a gun attack on Lavery’s Bar, Bradbury Place, Beflast. A gunman fired a shotgun from a passing car. No one was injured in the attack. There was an attack on the home of a prison officer in Portadown, County Armagh.

A gang of men forced their way into the house and set it on fire. The daughter (17) of the prison officer was alone in the house at the time of the attack and suffered from the effects of smoke inhalation. A young child found a pipe-bomb that had been left at a Gaelic Athletic Club (GAA) in Swatragh, County Derry.

The British Army defused the device which had been discovered at 5.00pm (17.00BST). [Loyalist paramilitaries were believed to have been responsible for the attack.] Bomb-making equipment was discovered in a disused house in Haliday’s Road, Belfast. Security forces removed a number of items including a quantity of ammunition and combat clothing.

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Remembering all innocent victims of the Troubles

Today is the anniversary of the death of the following  people killed as a results of the conflict in Northern Ireland

“To live in hearts we leave behind is not to die.”
Thomas Campbell

To the innocent on the list – Your memory will live  forever

– To  the Paramilitaries  –

There are many things worth living for, a few things worth dying for, but nothing worth killing for.

6 People lost their lives on the 7th October  between 1972 – 1985

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07 October 1972


Olive McConnell,   (23)

Catholic
Status: Civilian (Civ),

Killed by: Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF)
Killed in car bomb attack, outside Long Bar, Leeson Street, Lower Falls, Belfast

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07 October 1972


Alexander Moorehead,  (16)

Protestant
Status: Civilian (Civ),

Killed by: Ulster Defence Regiment (UDR)
Shot while walking along Mourne Park, Newtownstewart, County Tyrone

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07 October 1977


Desmond Irvine,   (38)

Protestant
Status: Prison Officer (PO),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Off duty. Shot shortly after leaving trade union office, Wellington Park, Malone, Belfast.

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07 October 1982
Fred Williamson,   (33)

Protestant
Status: Ulster Defence Regiment (UDR),

Killed by: Irish National Liberation Army (INLA)
Off duty. Shot by sniper while driving to work, Kilmore, near Armagh. Car went out of control and hit Elizabeth Chambers’ car coming in opposite direction causing her death.

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07 October 1982


Elizabeth Chambers,   (26)

Protestant
Status: Prison Officer (PO),

Killed by: Irish National Liberation Army (INLA)
Killed when off duty Ulster Defence Regiment (UDR) member Fred Williamson’s car went out of control and hit her car, coming in opposite direction, Kilmore, near Armagh. Fred Williamson had been shot by sniper.

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07 October 1985
Damien McCrory,   (20)

Catholic
Status: Civilian (Civ),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Found shot, by the side of road, Drumrallagh, Strabane, County Tyrone. Alleged informer.

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Plantation of Ulster – History , Background & Documentaries

Plantation of Ulster

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Ulster Plantation

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The Plantation of Ulster (Irish: Plandáil Uladh; Ulster-Scots: Plantin o Ulster) was the organised colonisation (plantation) of Ulster – a province of Ireland – by people from Great Britain during the reign of King James I. Most of the colonists came from Scotland and England. Small private plantation by wealthy landowners began in 1606, while the official plantation began in 1609. An estimated half a million acres (2,000 km²) spanning counties Tyrconnell, Tyrone, Fermanagh, Cavan, Coleraine and Armagh, was confiscated from Gaelic chiefs, most of whom had fled Ireland in the 1607 Flight of the Earls. Most of counties Antrim and Down were privately colonised. Colonising Ulster with loyal settlers was seen as a way to prevent further rebellion, as it had been the region most resistant to English control during the preceding century.

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The Flight Of The Earls

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King James wanted the Plantation to be “a civilising enterprise” that would settle Protestants in Ulster, a land that was mainly Gaelic-speaking and of the Catholic faith. The Lord Deputy of Ireland, Arthur Chichester, also saw the Plantation as a scheme to anglicise the Irish.]Accordingly, the colonists (or “British tenants”) were required to be English-speaking and Protestant. Some of the undertakers and colonists however were Catholic and it has been suggested that a significant number of the Scots spoke Gaelic.The Scottish colonists were mostly Presbyterian[6] and the English mostly members of the Church of England. The Plantation of Ulster was the biggest of the Plantations of Ireland.

Ulster before plantation

Prior to its conquest in the Nine Years War of the 1590s, Ulster had been the most Gaelic part of Ireland, a province existing largely outside English control. The area was underdeveloped by mainland European standards of the time, and it possessed few towns or villages.

Throughout the 16th century, Ulster was viewed by the English as being “underpopulated” and undeveloped.An early attempt at plantation of the north of Ireland in the 1570s on the east coast of Ulster by Walter Devereux, 1st Earl of Essex, had failed (see Plantations of Ireland).

Many of the Gaelic Irish lived by “creaghting” (seasonal migration with their cattle) and as such, permanent habitations were uncommon.The wars fought among Gaelic clans and between the Gaelic and English undoubtedly contributed to depopulation. By 1600 (before the worst atrocities of the Nine Years War) Ulster’s total adult population according to Perceval-Maxwell was only 25,000 to 40,000 people.

The 16th century English conquest of Ireland was made piece by piece starting in the reign of Henry VIII (1509–1547) and only was completed after sustained warfare in the reign of Elizabeth I (1558–1603). During these wars the force of the semi-independent chieftains was broken.

The Nine Years War of 1594-1603 provided the immediate background to the Plantation. A confederation of northern Gaelic Chieftains, led by Hugh O’Neill, resisted the imposition of English government in Ulster. Following an extremely costly series of campaigns by the English, including massacre and use of ruthless scorched earth tactics, the Nine Years War ended in 1603 with the surrender of Hugh O’Neill’s and Hugh O’Donnell‘s forces at the Treaty of Mellifont.[20] The terms of surrender granted to the rebels were generous, with the principal condition that lands formerly contested by feudal right and Brehon law be held under English law.

However, when Hugh O’Neill and other rebel chieftains left Ireland in the Flight of the Earls (1607) to seek Spanish help for a new rebellion, Lord Deputy Arthur Chichester seized their lands and prepared to colonise the province in a plantation. This would have included large grants of land to native Irish lords who had sided with the English during the war, for example Niall Garve O’Donnell. However, the plan was interrupted by the rebellion in 1608 of Sir Cahir O’Doherty of Inishowen, who captured and burned the town of Derry. The brief rebellion was suppressed by Sir Richard Wingfield at the Battle of Kilmacrennan. After O’Doherty’s death his lands in Inishowen were granted out by the state, and eventually escheated to the Crown. This episode prompted Chichester to expand his plans to expropriate the legal titles of all native landowners in the province.

Planning the plantation

The Plantation of Ulster was presented to James I as a joint “British”, or English and Scottish, venture to ‘pacify’ and ‘civilise’ Ulster, with at least half the settlers to be Scots. James had been King of Scots before he also became King of England and needed to reward his subjects in Scotland with land in Ulster to assure them they were not being neglected now that he had moved his court to London. In addition, long-standing contact and settlement between Ulster and the west of Scotland meant that Scottish participation was a practical necessity.

Six counties were involved in the official plantation – Donegal, Coleraine, Tyrone, Fermanagh, Cavan and Armagh. In the two officially unplanted counties of Antrim and Down, substantial Presbyterian Scots settlement had been underway since at least 1606.

The plan for the plantation was determined by two factors. One was the wish to make sure the settlement could not be destroyed by rebellion as the first Munster Plantation had been in the Nine Years War. This meant that, rather than settling the planters in isolated pockets of land confiscated from Irish rebels, all of the land would be confiscated and then redistributed to create concentrations of British settlers around new towns and garrisons.

What was more, the new landowners were explicitly banned from taking Irish tenants and had to import workers from England and Scotland. The remaining Irish landowners were to be granted one quarter of the land in Ulster. The peasant Irish population was intended to be relocated to live near garrisons and Protestant churches. Moreover, the planters were barred from selling their lands to any Irishman and were required to build defences against any possible rebellion or invasion. The settlement was to be completed within three years. In this way, it was hoped that a defensible new community composed entirely of loyal British subjects would be created.

The second major influence on the Plantation was the negotiation among various interest groups on the British side. The principal landowners were to be “Undertakers”, wealthy men from England and Scotland who undertook to import tenants from their own estates. They were granted around 3000 acres (12 km²) each, on condition that they settle a minimum of 48 adult males (including at least 20 families), who had to be English-speaking and Protestant. Veterans of the Nine Years War (known as “Servitors”) led by Arthur Chichester successfully lobbied to be rewarded with land grants of their own.

Since these former officers did not have enough private capital to fund the colonisation, their involvement was subsidised by the twelve great guilds. Livery companies from the City of London were coerced into investing in the project, as were City of London guilds which were granted land on the west bank of the River Foyle, to build their own city (Londonderry near the older Derry) as well as lands in County Coleraine. They were known jointly as The Honourable The Irish Society. The final major recipient of lands was the Protestant Church of Ireland, which was granted all the churches and lands previously owned by the Roman Catholic Church. The British government intended that clerics from England and the Pale would convert the native population to Anglicanism.

Implementing the plantation

Scottish settlers had been migrating to Ulster for many centuries. Highland Gaelic Scottish mercenaries known as Gallowglass had been doing so since the 15th century and Presbyterian lowland Scots had been arriving since around 1600. From 1606 there was substantial lowland Scots settlement on disinhabited land in north Down, led by Hugh Montgomery and James Hamilton. In 1607 Sir Randall MacDonnell settled 300 Presbyterian Scots families on his land in Antrim.

From 1609 onwards, “British” Protestant immigrants arrived in Ulster through direct importation by Undertakers to their estates and also by a spread to unpopulated areas, through ports such as Derry and Carrickfergus. In addition there was much internal movement of settlers who did not like the original land allotted to them.Some planters settled on uninhabited and unexploited land, often building up their farms and homes on overgrown terrain that has been variously described as “wilderness” and “virgin” ground.

By 1622, a survey found there were 6,402 “British” adult males on Plantation lands, of whom 3,100 were English and 3,700 Scottish – indicating a total adult planter population of around 12,000. However another 4,000 Scottish adult males had settled in unplanted Antrim and Down, giving a total settler population of about 19,000.

Despite the fact that the Plantation had decreed that the Irish population be displaced, this did not generally happen in practice. Firstly, some 300 native landowners who had taken the English side in the Nine Years War were rewarded with land grants.Secondly, the majority of the Gaelic Irish remained in their native areas, but were now only allowed worse land than before the plantation. They usually lived close to and even in the same townlands as the settlers and the land they had farmed previously.] The main reason for this was that Undertakers could not import enough English or Scottish tenants to fill their agricultural workforce and had to fall back on Irish tenants. However, in a few heavily populated lowland areas (such as parts of north Armagh) it is likely that some population displacement occurred.

However, the Plantation remained threatened by the attacks of bandits, known as “wood-kerne“, who were often Irish soldiers or dispossessed landowners. In 1609, Chichester had 1,300 former Gaelic soldiers deported from Ulster to serve in the Swedish Arm. As a result, military garrisons were established across Ulster and many of the Plantation towns, notably Derry, were fortified. The settlers were also required to maintain arms and attend an annual military ‘muster’.

There had been very few towns in Ulster before the Plantation. Most modern towns in the province can date their origins back to this period. Plantation towns generally have a single broad main street ending in a square – often known as a “diamond”] The Diamond, Donegal being an attractive example.

Success and failures

The plantation was a mixed success from the point of view of the settlers. About the time the Plantation of Ulster was planned, the Virginia Plantation at Jamestown in 1607 started. The London guilds planning to fund the Plantation of Ulster switched and backed the London Virginia Company instead. Many “British” Protestant settlers went to Virginia or New England in America rather than to Ulster.

By the 1630s, there were 20,000 adult male “British” settlers in Ulster, which meant that the total settler population could have been as high as 80,000. They formed local majorities of the population in the Finn and Foyle valleys (around modern Londonderry and east Donegal), in north Armagh and in east Tyrone. Moreover, the unofficial settlements in Antrim and Down were thriving. What was more, the settler population grew rapidly, as just under half of the planters were women.

The attempted conversion of the Irish to Protestantism was generally a failure. One problem was language difference. The Protestant clerics imported were usually all monoglot English speakers, whereas the native population were usually monoglot Gaelic speakers. However, ministers chosen to serve in the plantation were required to take a course in the Irish language before ordination, and nearly 10% of those who took up their preferments spoke it fluently. Nevertheless, conversion was rare, despite the fact that, after 1621, Gaelic Irish natives could be officially classed as “British” if they converted to Protestantism.

Of those Catholics who did convert to Protestantism, many made their choice for social and political reasons.

Wars of the Three Kingdoms and Ulster Plantation

Further information: Wars of the Three Kingdoms

By the 1630s it is suggested that the plantation was settling down with “tacit religious tolerance”, and in every county Old Irish were serving as royal officials and members of the Irish Parliament. However, in the 1640s, the Ulster Plantation was thrown into turmoil by civil wars that raged in Ireland, England and Scotland. The wars saw Irish rebellion against the planters, twelve years of bloody war, and ultimately the re-conquest of the province by the English parliamentary New Model Army that confirmed English and Protestant dominance in the province.

After 1630, Scottish migration to Ireland waned for a decade. In the 1630s, Presbyterians in Scotland staged a rebellion against Charles I for trying to impose Anglicanism. The same was attempted in Ireland, where most Scots colonists were Presbyterian. A large number of them returned to Scotland as a result. Charles I subsequently raised an army largely composed of Irish Catholics, and sent them to Ulster in preparation to invade Scotland. The English and Scottish parliaments then threatened to attack this army. In the midst of this, Gaelic Irish landowners in Ulster, led by Phelim O’Neill and Rory O’More, planned a rebellion to take over the administration in Ireland.

On 23 October 1641, the Ulster Catholics staged a rebellion. The mobilised natives turned on the “British” colonists, massacring about 4000 and expelling about 8,000 more. Marianne Elliott believes that “1641 destroyed the Ulster Plantation as a mixed settlement…” The initial leader of the rebellion, Phelim O’Neill, had actually been a beneficiary of the Plantation land grants. Most of his supporters’ families had been dispossessed and were likely motivated by the desire to recover their ancestral lands. Many colonists who survived rushed to the seaports and went back to Britain.

The massacres had a devastating and lasting impact on the Ulster Protestant population. A.T.Q. Stewart states that “The fear which it inspired survives in the Protestant subconscious as the memory of the Penal Laws or the Famine persists in the Catholic.” He also believed that “Here, if anywhere, the mentality of siege was born, as the warning bonfires blazed from hilltop to hilltop, and the beating drums summoned men to the defence of castles and walled towns crowded with refugees.”

In the summer of 1642, the Scottish Parliament sent some 10,000 soldiers to quell the Irish rebellion. In revenge for the massacres of Scottish colonists, the army committed many atrocities against the Catholic population. Based in Carrickfergus, the Scottish army fought against the rebels until 1650. In the northwest of Ulster, the colonists around Derry and east Donegal organised the Laggan Army in self-defence. The British forces fought an inconclusive war with the Ulster Irish led by Owen Roe O’Neill. All sides committed atrocities against civilians in this war, exacerbating the population displacement begun by the Plantation.

In addition to fighting the Ulster Irish, the “British” settlers fought each other in 1648-49 over the issues of the English Civil War. The Scottish Presbyterian army sided with the King and the Laggan Army sided with the English Parliament. In 1649-50, the New Model Army, along with some of the “British” colonists under Charles Coote, defeated both the Scottish forces and the Ulster Irish.

As a result, the English Parliamentarians or Cromwellians (after Oliver Cromwell) were generally hostile to Scottish Presbyterians after they re-conquered Ireland from the Catholic Confederates in 1649-53. The main beneficiaries of the postwar Cromwellian settlement were English Protestants like Sir Charles Coote, who had taken the Parliament’s side over the King or the Scottish Presbyterians. The Wars eliminated the last major Catholic landowners in Ulster.

Continued migration from Scotland to Ulster

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Dawn of the Ulster Scots Part 1

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Most of the Scottish planters came from southwest Scotland, but many also came from the unstable regions along the border with England. The plan was that moving Borderers (see Border Reivers) to Ireland (particularly to County Fermanagh) would both solve the Border problem and tie down Ulster. This was of particular concern to James VI of Scotland when he became King of England, since he knew Scottish instability could jeopardise his chances of ruling both kingdoms effectively.

Another wave of Scottish immigration to Ulster took place in the 1690s, when tens of thousands of Scots fled a famine (1696–1698) in the border region of Scotland. It was at this point that Scottish Presbyterians became the majority community in the province. Whereas in the 1660s, they made up some 20% of Ulster’s population (though 60% of its British population) by 1720 they were an absolute majority in Ulster.

Despite the fact that Scottish Presbyterians strongly supported the Williamites in the Williamite war in Ireland in the 1690s, they were excluded from power in the postwar settlement by the Anglican Protestant Ascendancy. During the 18th century, rising Scots resentment over religious, political and economic issues fueled their emigration to the American colonies, beginning in 1717 and continuing up to the 1770s. Scots-Irish from Ulster and Scotland, and British from the borders region comprised the most numerous group of immigrants from Great Britain and Ireland to the colonies in the years before the American Revolution. An estimated 150,000 left northern Ireland. They settled first mostly in Pennsylvania and western Virginia, from where they moved southwest into the backcountry of upland territories in the South, the Ozarks and the Appalachian Mountains.

Legacy

Percentage of Catholics in each electoral division in Ulster. Based on census figures from 2001 (UK) and 2006 (ROI).
0-10% dark orange, 10-30% mid orange,
30-50% light orange, 50-70% light green,
70-90% mid green, 90-100% dark green

Ireland Protestants 1861–2011

The legacy of the Plantation remains disputed. According to one interpretation, it created a society segregated between native Catholics and settler Protestants in Ulster and created a Protestant and British concentration in north east Ireland. This argument therefore sees the Plantation as one of the long-term causes of the Partition of Ireland in 1921, as the north-east remained as part of the United Kingdom in Northern Ireland.

However the densest Protestant settlement took place in the eastern counties of Antrim and Down, which were not part of the Plantation, whereas Donegal, in the west, was planted but did not become part of Northern Ireland.

Therefore, it is also argued that the Plantation itself was less important in the distinctiveness of the North East of Ireland than natural population flow between Ulster and Scotland. A.T.Q. Stewart concluded, “The distinctive Ulster-Scottish culture, isolated from the mainstream of Catholic and Gaelic culture, would appear to have been created not by the specific and artificial plantation of the early seventeenth century, but by the continuous natural influx of Scottish settlers both before and after that episode…”

The Plantation of Ulster is also widely seen as the origin of mutually antagonistic Catholic/Irish and Protestant/British identities in Ulster. Richard English has written that, “not all of those of British background in Ireland owe their Irish residence to the Plantations… yet the Plantation did produce a large British/English interest in Ireland, a significant body of Irish Protestants who were tied through religion and politics to English power.”

However, going on surnames, others have concluded that Protestant and Catholic are poor guides to whether people’s ancestors were settlers or natives of Ulster in the 17th century.

The settlers also left a legacy in terms of language. The Ulster Scots dialect originated through the speech of lowland Scots settlers evolving and being influenced by both Hiberno-English and Irish Gaelic.[ Seventeenth century English settlers also contributed dialect words that are still in current use in Ulster.

 

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6th October – Deaths & Events in Northern Ireland Troubles

Key Events & Deaths on this day in Northern Ireland Troubles
6th October

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Sunday 6 October 1968

Rioting flared up again in the afternoon in Derry. [ Civil Rights Campaign; Derry March. ]

Friday 6 October 1972

Jack Lynch’s, then Taoiseach (Irish Prime Minister), government closed the Sinn Féin (SF) office in Dublin.

Wednesday 6 October 1976

Two Catholic civilians were shot dead at their home in Victoria Gardens, Cavehill Road, Belfast, by Loyalist paramilitaries.

Tuesday 6 October 1981

Announcement on Prison Policy James Prior, then Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, announced a number of changes in prison policy, one of which would allowed prisoners to wear their civilian clothes at all times. This was one of the five key demands that had been made at the start of the hunger strike. Prior also announced other changes: free association would be allowed in neighbouring wings of each H-Block, in the exercise areas and in recreation rooms; an increase in the number of visits each prisoner would be entitled to; and up to 50 per cent of lost remission would be restored. [The issue of prison work was not resolved at this stage but there were indications that this issue too would be addressed.] [ Political Developments.]

Wednesday 6 October 1982

Des O’Malley, the Irish Minister for Trade, Commerce and Tourism, resigned for the government in the Republic of Ireland. O’Malley resigned because of disagreements with Charles Haughey, then Taoiseach (Irish Prime Minister), on matters related to Northern Ireland and the Republic’s economy. [O’Malley later formed a new political party in the Republic called the Progressive Democrats.]

Thursday 7 October 1982

A member of the Ulster Defence Regiment (UDR) and a Prison Officer were killed in a connected incident in Kilmore, County Armagh.

Monday 6 October 1986

There was a meeting of the Anglo-Irish Intergovernmental Conference in Dublin. The group discussed border security and agreed to implement a proposal that citizens from the Republic of Ireland who were living in Northern Ireland would be given the right to vote in local government elections in the region.

Saturday 6 October 1990

A Catholic man was shot dead by the Protestant Action Force (PAF) at Oxford Island, Lough Neagh, County Armagh. This shooting was viewed by many as retaliation for the shooting of a Ulster Defence Regiment (UDR) soldier at the same location on 23 September 1990. [There was a further attack in the area on 10 November 1990.]

Wednesday 6 October 1993

The Ulster Freedom Fighters (UFF), a cover name (pseudonym) used by the Ulster Defence Association (UDA), carried out a gun attack on a pub in Twinbrook, Belfast, and killed one Catholic civilian and injured two others. The UFF later claimed that the attack was carried out because of the Hume-Adams Initiative and the pan-Nationalist front.

The Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) exploded a bomb outside a Sinn Féin (SF) office on the Falls Road, Belfast. James Molyneaux, then leader of the Ulster Unionist Party (UUP), made a speech at a fringe meeting of the Conservative Party conference in Blackpool, England. Molyneaux stated that the Hume-Adams Initiative had wrecked any prospect of future inter-party talks.

Ian Paisley, then leader of the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP), wrote a letter to John Major, then British Prime Minister, in which he stated that the Hume-Adams Initiative was “aimed at Ulster’s destruction”. Albert Reynolds, then Taoiseach (Irish Prime Minister), stated that if there was an overall political settlement then Articles 2 and 3 of the Irish Constitution could be changed by a referendum.

Tuesday 6 October 1998

Frankie O’Reilly (30), a Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) officer, died as a result of injuries he received on 7 September 1998. O’Reilly was critically injured by a blast bomb thrown by Loyalists taking part in a Drumcree protest at Portadown, County Armagh. The attack was claimed by the Red Hand Defenders (RHD) a Loyalist paramilitary grouping that was believed to have been formed a short time before the incident.

Davy Jones, then a Orange Order spokesperson, said that the cost of upholding civil liberties [on behalf of the Orange Order] “can be very high”.

Wednesday 6 October 1999

Garda Síochána (the Irish police) officers arrested four men in County Donegal in connection with an arms find in County Wexford. Patrick Campbell (22), an Irish National Liberation Army (INLA) member who was originally from west Belfast, was badly beaten and stabbed during clash between INLA members and a group of men (described in the media as a criminal gang) in the Ballymount industrial estate, Walkinstown, Dublin. [Campbell died on 10 October 1999 from his injuries.]

Saturday 6 October 2001

The 150 member council of the Alliance Party of Northern Ireland (APNI) met to elect a new leader. The two people who stood in the election were David Ford and Eileen Bell. Ford won the leadership contest. Republicans held a rally in the centre of Dublin, Republic of Ireland, to commemorate the 20th anniversary of the 1981 Hunger Strikes.

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Remembering all innocent victims of the Troubles

Today is the anniversary of the death of the following  people killed as a results of the conflict in Northern Ireland

“To live in hearts we leave behind is not to die.”
Thomas Campbell

To the innocent on the list – Your memory will live  forever

– To  the Paramilitaries  –

There are many things worth living for, a few things worth dying for, but nothing worth killing for.

  13  People lost their lives on the 6th October  between 1972 – 1998

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06 October 1972
Daniel McAreavey,  (21)

Catholic
Status: Irish Republican Army (IRA),

Killed by: British Army (BA)
Shot during bomb attack on British Army (BA) observation post, Osman Street, Lower Falls, Belfast.

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06 October 1975
Alice McGuinness,  (57)

Catholic
Status: Civilian (Civ),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Died three days after being injured during bomb attack on John McKeague’s shop, Albertbridge Road, Belfast.

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06 October 1975


David Love,  (45)

Protestant
Status: Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Killed in bomb explosion shortly after armed robbery, at Roeview Inn, near Limavady, County Derry

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06 October 1976
Francis Nolan,   (34)

Catholic
Status: Civilian (Civ),

Killed by: non-specific Loyalist group (LOY)
Shot at his home, Victoria Gardens, off Cavehill Road, Belfast.

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06 October 1976


Catherine O’Connor,   (68)

Catholic
Status: Civilian (Civ),

Killed by: non-specific Loyalist group (LOY)
Shot at her home, Victoria Gardens, off Cavehill Road, Belfast.

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06 October 1978
Charles Henning,   (50)

Protestant
Status: Ulster Defence Regiment (UDR),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Off duty. Died four days after being shot at cattle mart, Patrick Street, Newry, County Down.

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06 October 1983


William Finlay,  (55)

Protestant
Status: Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Shot while on Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) foot patrol, Meadowlands, Downpatrick, County Down.

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06 October 1983


James Ferguson,  (53)

Protestant
Status: Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Shot while on Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) foot patrol, Meadowlands, Downpatrick, County Down.

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06 October 1986


Martin Blaney,  (23)

Protestant
Status: Ulster Defence Regiment (UDR),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Off duty. Shot outside his home, Eglish, near Dungannon, County Tyrone.

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06 October 1987


Thomas Dickson, 

  (35) Protestant
Status: ex-Ulster Defence Association (xUDA),

Killed by: Ulster Freedom Fighters (UFF)
Shot at his home, Alliance Parade, Belfast. Internal Ulster Defence Association (UDA) dispute.

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06 October 1990


Denis Carville,  (19)

Catholic
Status: Civilian (Civ),

Killed by: Protestant Action Force (PAF)
Shot while sitting in stationary car with his girlfriend, Oxford Island, Lough Neagh, County Armagh.

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06 October 1993


Jason McFarlane, (20)

Catholic
Status: Civilian (Civ),

Killed by: Ulster Freedom Fighters (UFF)
Shot during gun attack on Derby House Bar, Stewartstown Road, Twinbrook, Belfast

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06 October 1998
Francis O’Reilly,   (30)

Catholic
Status: Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC),

Killed by: Red Hand Defenders (RHD)
Died one month after being injured by blast bomb, thrown during street disturbances, Charles Street, Portadown, County Armagh. Injured on 5 September 1998.

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5th October – Deaths & Events in Northern Ireland Troubles

Key Events & Deaths on this day in Northern Ireland Troubles
5th October

Saturday 5 October 1968

Civil Rights March in Derry

[Considered by many as the start date of ‘the Troubles’]

A civil rights march in Derry, that had been organised by members of the Derry Housing Action Committee (DHAC) and supported by the Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association (NICRA), was stopped by the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) before it had properly begun. The marchers had proposed to walk from Duke Street in the Waterside area of Derry to the Diamond in the centre of the City. Present at the march were three British Labour Party Members of Parliament (MP); Gerry Fitt, then Republican Labour MP; several Stormont MPs; and members of the media including a television crew from RTE. There were different estimates of the number of people taking part in the march. Eamonn McCann (one of the organisers of the march) estimated that about 400 people lined up on the street with a further 200 watching from the pavements.

The RUC broke-up the march by baton-charging the crowd and leaving many people injured including a number of MPs.

[The incidents were filmed and later there was worldwide television coverage. The incidents in Derry had a profound effect on many people around the world but particularly on the Catholic population of Northern Ireland. Immediately after the march there were two days of serious rioting in Derry between the Catholic residents of the city and the RUC.]

Tuesday 5 October 1971

A new sitting of the Northern Ireland parliament at Stormont began. However the Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP) was absent due to its continuing protest against Internment. The SDLP met in an alternative assembly at Strabane town hall.

Friday 5 October 1973

William Whitelaw, then Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, chaired a series of talks at Stormont Castle, Belfast, on the question of forming an Executive to govern Northern Ireland. The talks involved representatives of, the Ulster Unionist Party (UUP), the Alliance Party of Northern Ireland (APNI), and the Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP). The parties disagreed on issues related to internment, policing, and a Council of Ireland, but did manage to make progress on other less controversial areas in the social and economic spheres. [See also: 9 October 1973; 16 October 1973] [ Political Developments. ]

Saturday 5 October 1974

See Guildford Bombs Page

Guildford Bombs The Irish Republican Army (IRA) planted bombs in two public houses in Guildford, Surrey, England, which killed five people and injured a further 54. The pubs, the Horse and Groom and the Seven Stars, were targeted because they were frequented by off-duty British soldiers.

[On 22 October 1975 Patrick Armstrong, Gerard Conlon, Paul Hill, and Carole Richardson (who became known as the ‘Guildford Four’) were found guilty at the Old Bailey of causing explosions in London in October 1974. The four were sentenced to life imprisonment. Following an appeal the four were released on 19 October 1989. The court of appeal decided that the ‘confessions’ had been fabricated by the police. In a linked case, members of the Maguire family, the ‘Maguire Seven’, were convicted on 3 March 1976 of possession of explosives (even though no explosives were found) and some served 10 years in prison before the convictions were overturned.]

Two people were killed in separate incidents in Derry and County Armagh.

Wednesday 5 October 1977

Seamus Costello, founder member and leader of the Irish Republican Socialist Party (IRSP), was shot dead near North Strand, Dublin, Republic of Ireland. Both the Official Irish Republican Army (OIRA) and the Provisional IRA denied that they were responsible for the killing.

Thursday 5 October 1978

The three leaders of the Peace People, Betty Williams, Mairead Corrigan, and Ciaran McKeown, announced that they intended to step down from the organisation.

Friday 5 October 1979

The British and Irish governments agreed to strengthen the drive against paramilitary groups. The British Labour Party conference voted against a resolution calling for British withdrawal from Northern Ireland.

Friday 5 October 1984

At the Labour Party annual conference in Blackpool, England, a motion was passed that opposed the use of Diplock courts and supergrass evidence in Northern Ireland. The conference also called for a ban on the use of plastic bullets and an end to strip-searching of prisoners.

Saturday 5 October 1985

Charles Haughey, then leader of Fianna Fáil (FF), said that FF would not support any move away from the principle of a United Ireland.

Wednesday 5 October 1988

Integrated education in Northern Ireland was given a boost when Brian Mawhinney, then Minister for education, stated that the Department for Education of Northern Ireland (DENI) should promote integrated schools (?).

Friday 5 October 1990

The British Labour Party voted against organising or campaigning in Northern Ireland.

Sunday 5 October 1997

Martin McGuinness, then Vice-President of Sinn Féin (SF), addressed a SF rally in Coalisland, County Tyrone, and told those present that SF were involved in the multi-party talks in order to “smash the union

Tuesday 5 October 1999

The Irish Cabinet formally decided that Ireland would join the NATO led Partnership for Peace security programme. In spite of a promise in the Fianna Fáil (FF) general election manifesto in 1997, it was confirmed by the FF / Progressive Democrats (PD) Coalition that no referendum would be held on the matter.

Thursday 5 October 2000

Johnston Brown, then a Detective Sergeant in the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC), survived an attempt on his life when a pipe-bomb and petrol canister were thrown at his County Antrim home. Brown had played an important role in securing the imprisonment in 1995 of Johnny Adair, then a leader of the Ulster Freedom Fighters (UFF), a cover name (pseudonym) used by the Ulster Defence Association (UDA).

Peter Mandelson, then Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, warned hardline Ulster Unionists that if devolution failed they could face joint rule by London and Dublin. The warning came as those Unionists opposed to the Good Friday Agreement mounted yet another attempt to persuade David Trimble to set a deadline for IRA disarmament.

Friday 5 October 2001

A number of shots were fired at a house belonging to a Catholic family in Coleraine, County Derry. The shooting happened shortly after midnight.

[Loyalist paramilitaries were thought to have been responsible for the shooting.]

Lord Chief Justice Carswell in the High Court in Belfast upheld an earlier judgement that David Trimble, then leader of the Ulster Unionist Party (UUP), had acted unlawfully under section 52 of the Northern Ireland Act in preventing Sinn Féin (SF) ministers from attending meetings of the North-South Ministerial Council. Trimble, when First Minister, had decided not to nominate Martin McGuinness (SF), then Minister for Education, and Bairbre de Brún (SF), then Minister for Health, to attend the Council meetings.

[Trimble had first suggested the action on 28 October 2000 and introduced the ban in November 2000 and SF had contested the decision on 15 December 2000. SF won the first court case but Trimble had appealed the decision. Trimble announced that he would appeal the latest decision to the House of Lords.]

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Remembering all innocent victims of the Troubles

Today is the anniversary of the death of the following  people killed as a results of the conflict in Northern Ireland

“To live in hearts we leave behind is not to die.”
Thomas Campbell

To the innocent on the list – Your memory will live  forever

– To  the Paramilitaries  –

There are many things worth living for, a few things worth dying for, but nothing worth killing for.

  13  People lost their lives on the 5th October  between 1972 – 1982

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05 October 1972


John Magee,  (54)

Protestant
Status: Civilian (Civ),

Killed by: Ulster Defence Association (UDA)
Killed in bomb attack on Capitol Bar, Dublin Road, Belfast.

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05 October 1974


Eugene McQuaid  (35)

Catholic
Status: Civilian (Civ),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Killed while in the vicinity of an IRA bomb which exploded prematurely, while travelling on his motorcycle, Killeen, County Armagh.

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05 October 1974


Asha Chopra,  (25) nfNI
Status: Civilian (Civ),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Shot while driving her car, during sniper attack on Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) foot patrol diverting traffic, Greenhaw Road, Shantallow, Derry.

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05 October 1974
Ann Hamilton, (19) nfNIB
Status: British Army (BA),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Off duty. Killed in bomb attack on Horse and Groom public house, Guildford, Surrey, England.

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05 October 1974
Caroline Slater,   (18) nfNIB
Status: British Army (BA),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Off duty. Killed in bomb attack on Horse and Groom public house, Guildford, Surrey, England.

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05 October 1974
William Forsyth,   (18) nfNIB
Status: British Army (BA),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Off duty. Killed in bomb attack on Horse and Groom public house, Guildford, Surrey, England.

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05 October 1974


John Hunter,  (17) nfNIB
Status: British Army (BA),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Off duty. Killed in bomb attack on Horse and Groom public house, Guildford, Surrey, England

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05 October 1974
Paul Craig,  (22) nfNIB
Status: Civilian (Civ),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Killed in bomb attack on Horse and Groom public house, Guildford, Surrey, England

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05 October 1977
Seamus Costello,   (38) nfNIRI
Status: Civilian Political Activist (CivPA),

Killed by: Official Irish Republican Army (OIRA)
Irish Republican Socialist Party (IRSP) member. Shot while sitting in stationary car, Northbrook Avenue, North Strand, Dublin. Official Irish Republican Army (OIRA) / Irish National Liberation Army (INLA) feud.

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05 October 1979
George Hawthorne,   (37)

Protestant
Status: ex-Ulster Defence Regiment (xUDR),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Shot while driving his car into car park, Soho Place, Newry, County Down.

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05 October 1979
Martin Rowland,   (26)

Catholic
Status: Civilian (Civ),

Killed by: Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF)
Found shot near to his home, Camlough, County Armagh.

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05 October 1981
Hector Hall (22)

Protestant
Status: ex-Ulster Defence Regiment (xUDR),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Shot outside Altnagelvin Hospital, Derry.

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05 October 1982

Charles Crothers  (54)

Protestant
Status: Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Off duty reservist. Shot at his workplace, Department of the Environment depot, Altnagelvin, Derry.

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Guildford Pub Bombings – Not Forgotten!

The Guildford pub bombings

 

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Guildford Pub Bombings

——————————————————————-

The Guildford pub bombings occurred on 5 October 1974. The Provisional Irish Republican Army (IRA) detonated two 6-pound gelignite bombs at two pubs in Guildford, Surrey, southwest of London. The pubs were targeted because they were popular with British Army personnel stationed at the barracks in Pirbright. Four soldiers and one civilian were killed, whilst a further sixty-five were wounded.

The bomb in the Horse and Groom detonated at 8:30 pm. It killed Paul Craig (a 22-year-old plasterer), two members of the Scots Guards and two members of the Women’s Royal Army Corps. The Seven Stars was evacuated after the first blast, and thus there were no serious injuries when the second bomb exploded at 9:00 pm.

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Memories of the Guildford Bombings

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The Innocent Victims

————————————————————–

05 October 1974
Ann Hamilton,   (19) nfNIB
Status: British Army (BA),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Off duty. Killed in bomb attack on Horse and Groom public house, Guildford, Surrey, England.

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05 October 1974
Caroline Slater,  (18) nfNIB
Status: British Army (BA),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Off duty. Killed in bomb attack on Horse and Groom public house, Guildford, Surrey, England.

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05 October 1974
William Forsyth,   (18) nfNIB
Status: British Army (BA),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Off duty. Killed in bomb attack on Horse and Groom public house, Guildford, Surrey, England.

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05 October 1974


John Hunter,  (17) nfNIB
Status: British Army (BA),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Off duty. Killed in bomb attack on Horse and Groom public house, Guildford, Surrey, England

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05 October 1974
Paul Craig,  (22) nfNIB
Status: Civilian (Civ),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Killed in bomb attack on Horse and Groom public house, Guildford, Surrey, England

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These attacks were the first in a year-long campaign by an IRA Active Service Unit – who were eventually captured after the Balcombe Street Siege.[2] A similar bomb to those used in Guildford, with the addition of shrapnel, was thrown into the Kings Arms pub in Woolwich on 7 November 1974. Gunner Richard Dunne and Alan Horsley, a sales clerk, died in that explosion.

The bombings contributed to the speedy and unchallenged passing of the Prevention of Terrorism Acts in November 1974, which were then used by the Metropolitan Police to force false confessions from the “Guildford Four“.

The Guildford Four

The bombings were at the height of the Troubles in Northern Ireland. The Metropolitan Police were under enormous pressure to apprehend the IRA bombers responsible for the attacks in England. In December 1974 the police arrested three men and a woman, later known as the Guildford Four. These were:

Conlon had been in London at the time of the bombings, and had visited his mother’s sister, Annie Maguire. A few days after the Guildford Four were arrested, the Metropolitan Police arrested Annie Maguire and her family, including Gerry Conlon’s father, Patrick “Giuseppe” Conlon – the “Maguire Seven“.

The Guildford Four were falsely convicted of the bombings in October 1975 and sentenced to life in prison. The Maguire Seven were falsely convicted of providing bomb-making material and other support in March 1976 and sentenced to terms varying between four and fourteen years.

The Guildford Four were held in prison for fifteen years, while Giuseppe Conlon died near the end of his third year of imprisonment. All the convictions were overturned years later in the appeal courts after it was proved the Guildford Four’s convictions had been based on confessions obtained by torture (as were some Maguire Seven confessions), whilst evidence specifically clearing the Four was not reported by the police.[3]

During the trial of the “Balcombe Street Four” in February 1977, the four IRA members instructed their lawyers to “draw attention to the fact that four totally innocent people were serving massive sentences” for three bombings in Woolwich and Guildford.[4] The Balcombe Street Four were never charged with these offences. The movie In the Name of the Father is based on these events.

 

 

Major Events in the Troubles

Mass Shootings UK – Profile of three UK Mass/Spree Killers

A mass murderer or spree killer is a killer who kills several victims in a short period of time

Umpqua Community College shooting

On October 1, 2015, a mass shooting took place at Umpqua Community College, near Roseburg, Oregon, United States.[5] Christopher Harper-Mercer, a 26-year-old student, fatally shot nine people and injured nine others on the campus.[6][7] He killed himself following a gun battle with responding police officers

Christopher Harper-Mercer

Whilst America  reels from its latest mass /spree killings and the USA once again  debates the rights and wrongs of gun control , here in the UK  ( and Europe ) we have a long history of lone gunmen , whom for reasons beyond our comprehension decide to kill multiple people. Below is a profile of three of the most recent and deadly mass/spree killings in the UK.

This list does not include IRA mass murders , please see deaths in the troubles for details on IRA killings.

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Hungerford massacre

Michael Ryan 1986

16 people Killed

Michael Ryan

The Hungerford massacre was a series of random shootings in Hungerford, Berkshire, on 19 August 1987, when Michael Robert Ryan, an unemployed part-time antique dealer and handyman, fatally shot 16 people, including his own mother, before committing suicide. The shootings, committed using a handgun and two semi-automatic rifles, occurred at several locations, including a school he had once attended. A police officer died in the incident, and many people were injured. 15 other people were also shot but survived. No firm motive for the killings has ever been established. It remains one of the worst firearms atrocities in UK history.

A report was commissioned by the Home Secretary, Douglas Hurd. The Firearms (Amendment) Act 1988 was passed in the wake of the massacre, which bans the ownership of semi-automatic centre-fire rifles and restricts the use of shotguns with a capacity of more than three cartridges

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The Hungerford Massacre: Michael Ryan’s Killing Spree

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Victims

Ryan left 16 people dead in Hungerford before taking his own life – and left a further 15 with wounds. The full list of those who died is as follows:

Susan Godfrey

Roland Mason

Sheila Mason

Kenneth Clements

Police Constable Roger Brereton

Abdul Rahman Khan

George White

Dorothy Ryan

Francis Butler

Marcus Bernard

Douglas Wainwright

Eric Vardy

Sandra Hill

Victor Gibbs

Myrtle Gibbs

Ian Playle

Perpetrator

The perpetrator of the Hungerford massacre was 27-year-old Michael Robert Ryan, an unemployed labourer and antiques dealer. He was born at Savernake Hospital in Marlborough, near Hungerford, on 18 May 1960.[2] His father, Alfred Henry Ryan, was 55 years old when Michael was born. Alfred Ryan died in Swindon in May 1985 at the age of 80. At the time of the shooting, Ryan lived with his mother, Dorothy, a dinner lady at the local primary school. He had no siblings. There was extensive press comment on this, suggesting the relationship was ‘unhealthy’ and that Ryan was “spoiled” by his mother. A Guardian headline described Ryan as a “mummy’s boy”.

House of the mother of gunman Michael Ryan

Ryan was a bachelor and had no children.

In the days following the massacre, the British tabloid press was filled with stories about Ryan’s life. Press biographies all stated that he had a near-obsessive fascination with firearms. The majority claimed that Ryan had possessed magazines about survival skills and firearms, Soldier of Fortune[3] being frequently named. Press reports claimed that he was obsessed with the Rambo film First Blood, which was erroneously described as featuring events similar to the Hungerford massacre, when in fact there was no evidence that Ryan even owned a video recorder, let alone that he had seen the film.[4] Sylvester Stallone stated “I carry the can for every lunatic in the world who goes crazy with a gun…but it wasn’t Rambo who sent Michael Ryan mad. In fact Rambo is the opposite of people like Ryan. He is always up against stronger opposition and never shoots first. Murderers are always saying, “God told me to kill” or “Jesus ordered me to kill” – so should the rest of us stop praying? There are always sick people out there who will hang their illness on to your hook.”[5]

Ryan’s true motives are unknown and it is unlikely that they will ever be known as Ryan killed himself and his mother, the only other person who knew him well. Dr John Hamilton of Broadmoor Hospital and Dr Jim Higgins, a consultant forensic psychiatrist for Mersey Regional Health Authority, both thought he was schizophrenic and psychotic. Hamilton stated “Ryan was most likely to be suffering from acute schizophrenia. He might have had a reason for doing what he did, but it was likely to be bizarre and peculiar to him.”[5] The local vicar the Reverend David Salt said on the first anniversary of the massacre “No one has ever explained why Michael Ryan did what he did. And that’s because, in my opinion, it is not something that can be explained.”[5] Ryan’s body was cremated at the Reading Crematorium on 3 September 1987, 15 days after he took his own life.

Licensed firearms ownership

Ryan had been issued a shotgun certificate in 1978, and on 11 December 1986 he was granted a firearms certificate covering the ownership of two pistols. He later applied to have the certificate amended to cover a third pistol, as he intended to sell one of the two he had acquired since the granting of the certificate (which was a Smith & Wesson .38-caliber revolver), and to buy two more. This was approved on 30 April 1987. On 14 July, he applied for another variation, to cover two semi-automatic rifles, which was approved on 30 July. At the time of the massacre, he was in licensed possession of the following weapons:

Ryan used the Beretta pistol, and the Type 56 and M1 rifles, in the massacre. The CZ pistol was being repaired by a dealer at the time.[7] The Type 56 was purchased from firearms dealer Mick Ranger.[6]

Shootings

Savernake Forest

The first shooting occurred seven miles (11 km) to the west of Hungerford in Savernake Forest in Wiltshire, at 12:30 in the afternoon of 19 August. Susan Godfrey, 35, had come to the area with her two children; Hannah (aged four years) and James (aged two years) from Reading, Berkshire for a family picnic. Ryan approached them with his gun raised and forced Susan to place the children in her Nissan Micra. He then marched her into bushes at gunpoint and shot her 13 times in the back, using the whole magazine of the Beretta pistol. Police were alerted to the scene after Godfrey’s two children approached a lone pensioner, Myra Rose. Hannah told Rose that a “man in black has shot our mummy.”[8] Authorities were still responding when Ryan continued his massacre.[9]

A4 petrol station

Ryan drove his silver Vauxhall Astra GTE from the forest along the A4 towards Hungerford, and stopped at a petrol station three miles (5 km) from the town. After waiting for a motorcyclist, Ian George, to depart from the garage, he began to pump petrol into his car before shooting at the female cashier, Kakaub Dean, missing her. Ryan entered the store and again tried to shoot her at close range with his M1 carbine,[7] but the rifle’s magazine had fallen out, probably because he inadvertently hit the release mechanism. He then left and continued towards Hungerford. Meanwhile, George, having witnessed the attempted shooting of Dean, stopped in the village of Froxfield and placed the first emergency call to the police, reporting that he had seen an attempted armed robbery.

Hungerford

South View and Fairview Road

At around 12:45, Ryan was seen at his home in South View, Hungerford. He loaded his car with his weapons, and attempted to drive away, but the car would not start. He then fired four shots into the right side of the car. Neighbours reported seeing him agitatedly moving between the house and the car before he returned indoors and shot his dog. Ryan then doused his home with the petrol he had bought earlier in the day and set his house alight. The fire subsequently destroyed three surrounding properties.[10] Ryan then removed the three shotguns from the boot of his car and shot and killed husband and wife Roland and Sheila Mason, who were in the back garden of their house: Sheila was shot once in the head and Roland six times in the back.[10]

Ryan walked towards the town’s common, critically injuring two more people; Marjorie Jackson was shot once in the lower back as she watched Ryan from the window of her living room and 14-year-old Lisa Mildenhall four times in both legs as she stood outside her home. Mildenhall later recalled that Ryan smiled at her before crouching and shooting. Mildenhall was treated in a nearby home and survived. [11] Meanwhile, Jackson pulled 77-year-old Dorothy Smith into her home as she rebuked Ryan for making noise. Jackson first called 999 before telephoning George White, a colleague of her husband Ivor Jackson. She informed White that she had been injured. Her husband insisted on returning home and George White offered to drive him. Jackson survived; Smith was uninjured.[12]

On the footpath towards the Common, Ryan encountered a family walking their dog.[13] Upon seeing Ryan with his weapons, 51-year-old Kenneth Clements raised his arms in a gesture of surrender as his family climbed over a wall and ran to safety. Ryan ignored the gesture before shooting Clements once at close range in the chest, killing him instantly. He fell to the ground still clutching the lead of his dog.[1]

Looping back to South View, Ryan fired 23 rounds at PC Roger Brereton, a police officer who had just arrived at the scene in response to reports of gunfire. Brereton was hit four times in his chest:[14] his car veered and crashed into a telephone pole. He died sitting in his patrol car, radioing to his colleagues that he had been shot.[15] Ryan next turned his weapons on Linda Chapman and her teenage daughter, Alison, who had turned onto South View moments after Brereton was shot. Ryan fired 11 bullets from his semi-automatic into their Volvo 360; the bullets travelled through the bonnet of the car, hitting and critically wounding Alison in her right thigh. Ryan also shot through the windscreen, hitting Linda with glass and a bullet in the left shoulder . As Ryan reloaded his weapons, Linda reversed put the car in reverse, exited South View and drove to the local doctor’s, parking outside the surgery. A bullet was subsequently found lodged at the base of Alison’s spine; during a subsequent operation to remove it, surgeons decided that the risk of paralysis was too great, and the bullet was left in place.[16]

After the Chapmans had driven away from South View, George White’s Toyota Crown drove towards Ryan; Ivor Jackson was in the passenger seat. Ryan opened fire with his Type 56, killing White with a single shot to the head and leaving Ivor Jackson severely injured in his head and chest. White’s Toyota crashed into the rear of PC Brereton’s police car. Jackson feigned death and hoped that Ryan would not move in for a closer look.[17]

Ryan moved along Fairview Road, killing Abdul Rahman Khan who was mowing his lawn. Further along the road he wounded his next door neighbour, Alan Lepetit, who had helped build Ryan’s gun display unit. He then shot at an ambulance which had just arrived, shattering the window and injuring paramedic Hazel Haslett, who sped away before Ryan was able to fire at her again.

Ryan shot at windows and at people who appeared on the street. Ryan’s mother, Dorothy, then drove into South View and was confronted by her burning house, her armed son, and dead and injured strewn along the street.[18] Ivor Jackson, who was still slumped in White’s Toyota.[14] He heard Dorothy Ryan open the door of White’s Toyota and say, “Oh, Ivor…” before attempting in vain to reason with her son. Ryan shot her dead as she raised her arms and pleaded with him not to shoot.[18] Ryan then wounded Betty Tolladay, who had stepped out of her house to admonish Ryan for making noise, as she had assumed he was shooting at paper targets in the woods.[19] He then ran towards Hungerford Common.

The police were now informed of the situation but the evacuation plan was not fully effective. Ryan’s movements were tracked via police helicopter almost an hour after he set his home alight, but this was hampered by media helicopters and journalists responding to reports of the attacks. A single police officer, who observed Ryan, recommended that armed police be used, as the weapons he saw were beyond the capabilities of Hungerford police station’s meagre firearms locker.

Hungerford Common and town centre

On Hungerford Common, Ryan went on to shoot and kill young father-of-two, Francis Butler, as he walked his dog, and shot at, but missed, teenager Andrew Cadle, who sped away on his bicycle.[1] Local taxi driver Marcus Barnard slowed down his Peugeot 309 as Ryan crossed in front of him. Ryan shot him with the Type 56, causing a massive injury to his head and killing him. Barnard had been redirected towards the Common by a police diversion as communication between ground forces and the police helicopter remained sporadic. Ann Honeybone was slightly injured by a bullet as she drove down Priory Avenue. Ryan then shot at John Storms, an ambulance repairman had parked on Priory Avenue.[20] Hit in the face, Storms crouched below the dashboard of his vehicle. He heard Ryan fire twice more at his van and felt the vehicle shake, but he was not hit again. A local builder named Bob Barclay ran from his nearby house and dragged Storms out of his van and into the safety of his home.[21] Ryan then walked towards the town centre of Hungerford, where police were attempting to evacuate the public. During this, Ryan killed 67-year-old Douglas Wainwright and injured his wife Kathleen in their car. Kathleen Wainwright would later say that her husband hit the brakes as soon as the windscreen shattered. Ryan fired eight rounds into the Wainwrights’ Datsun Bluebird,[22] hitting Douglas in the head and Kathleen in the chest and hand. Kathleen, seeing that her husband was dead and that Ryan was approaching the car whilst reloading, unbuckled her seatbelt and ran.[1] The pair were visiting their son, a policeman on the Hungerford force. Coincidentally, Constable Wainwright had signed Ryan’s request to extend his firearm certificate only weeks earlier. Next was Kevin Lance, who was shot in the upper arm[23] as he drove his Ford Transit along Tarrant’s Hill.[21]

Further up Priory Avenue, a 51-year-old handyman named Eric Vardy[24] and his passenger, Steven Ball, drove into Ryan’s path while travelling to a job in Vardy’s Leyland Sherpa. Ball later recalled that he saw a young man (Kevin Lance) clutching his arm and running into a narrow side street. As Ball focused on Lance, Ryan shattered the windscreen with a burst of bullets. Vardy was hit twice in the neck and upper torso[10] and crashed his van into a wall. Eric Vardy would later die of shock and haemorrhage from his neck wound. Ball suffered no serious injuries.[1]

Throughout his movements, Ryan had also opened fire on a number of other people, some of whom were grazed or walking wounded. Many of these minor casualties were not counted in the eventual total.

At around 13:30,[25] Ryan crossed Orchard Park Close into Priory Road, firing a single round at a passing red Renault 5. This shot fatally wounded the driver, 22-year-old Sandra Hill.[26] A passing soldier, Carl Harries, rushed to Hill’s car and attempted in vain to apply first aid, but Hill died in his arms.[27]

After shooting Hill, Ryan shot his way into a house further down Priory Road and killed the occupants: Jack and Myrtle Gibbs. Jack Gibbs was killed instantly as he attempted to shield his wheelchair-bound wife, Myrtle, from Ryan with his own body. Myrtle succumbed to her injuries two days later. Ryan also fired shots into neighbouring houses from the Gibbs’ house, injuring Michael Jennings at 62 Priory Road and Myra Geater at 71 Priory Road.[1] Ryan continued down Priory Road where he spotted 34-year-old Ian Playle, who was returning from a shopping trip with his wife and two young children in their Ford Sierra. Playle crashed into a stationary car after being shot in the neck by Ryan. His wife and children were unhurt. Carl Harries again rushed over to administer first aid, but Playle’s wound proved to be fatal[1] as he died in an Oxford hospital two days later.[28]

After shooting and injuring 66-year-old George Noon in his garden, Ryan broke into the John O’Gaunt Community Technology College.

Suicide

Ryan barricaded himself in a classroom in the John O’Gaunt Community Technology College, where he had previously been a pupil. It was closed and empty for the summer holidays. Police surrounded the building and found a number of ground-staff and two children who had seen Ryan enter. They offered guidance to the police on how to enter, and of hiding places. Ryan shot at circling helicopters and waved what appeared to be an unpinned grenade through the window, though reports differ whether Ryan had one. Police attempted negotiations to coax Ryan out of the school, but these attempts failed. He refused to leave before knowing what happened to his mother, saying that her death was “a mistake”. At 18:52, Ryan committed suicide by shooting himself in the head with the Beretta pistol.[29] One of the statements Ryan made towards the end of the negotiations was widely reported: “Hungerford must be a bit of a mess. I wish I had stayed in bed.”[30]

Police response

Hungerford was policed by two sergeants and twelve constables, and on the morning of 19 August 1987 the duty cover for the section consisted of one sergeant, two patrol constables and one station duty officer.[31]

A number of factors hampered the police response:[15]

  • The telephone exchange could not handle the number of 999 calls made by witnesses.
  • The Thames Valley firearms squad were training 40 miles away.
  • The police helicopter was in for repair, though it was eventually deployed.
  • Only two phone lines were in operation at the local police station which was undergoing renovation.

Official Report

A report on this incident (the “Hungerford Report”) was commissioned by the Home Secretary, Douglas Hurd, from the Chief Constable of Thames Valley Police, Colin Smith. The Firearms (Amendment) Act 1988[32] was passed in the wake of the massacre, which bans the ownership of semi-automatic centre-fire rifles and restricts the use of shotguns with a capacity of more than three cartridges (in magazine plus the breech). Ryan’s collection of weapons had been legally licensed, according to the Hungerford Report.

Notoriety

The Hungerford massacre remains, along with the 1989 Monkseaton shootings, the 1996 Dunblane school massacre, and the 2010 Cumbria shootings, one of the worst criminal atrocities involving firearms to occur in the United Kingdom. The Dunblane and Cumbria shootings had a similar number of fatalities, and in both cases the perpetrator killed themselves. Only one person died in the Monkseaton shootings, but 14 others were wounded, and the perpetrator did not commit suicide.

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Dunblane School

Massacre

Thomas Hamilton 13 March 1996,

17 people Killed

Thomas Hamilton

The Dunblane school massacre was one of the deadliest firearms incidents in UK history, when gunman Thomas Hamilton killed sixteen children and one teacher at Dunblane Primary School near Stirling, Scotland on 13 March 1996, before committing suicide.

Public debate about the killings centred on gun control laws, including public petitions calling for a ban on private ownership of handguns and an official enquiry, the Cullen Report. In response to this debate, two new firearms Acts were passed, which effectively made private ownership of handguns illegal in Britain.

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The Dunblane Massacre

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Shooting

Deaths
1. Victoria Elizabeth Clydesdale (age 5)
2. Emma Elizabeth Crozier (age 5)
3. Melissa Helen Currie (age 5)
4. Charlotte Louise Dunn (age 5)
5. Kevin Allan Hasell (age 5)
6. Ross William Irvine (age 5)
7. David Charles Kerr (age 5)
8. Mhairi Isabel MacBeath (age 5)
9. Brett McKinnon (age 6)
10. Abigail Joanne McLennan (age 5)
11. Gwen Mayor (age 45)
—Primary School Teacher
12. Emily Morton (age 5)
13. Sophie Jane Lockwood North (age 5)
14. John Petrie (age 5)
15. Joanna Caroline Ross (age 5)
16. Hannah Louise Scott (age 5)
17. Megan Turner (age 5)

On the morning of Wednesday 13 March 1996, ex-scout leader Thomas Hamilton, aged 43, was witnessed scraping ice off his van at approximately 8:15 am outside his home at Kent Road in Stirling.[2] He left a short time afterwards and drove approximately 5 miles (8.0 km) north[3] to Dunblane in his white van. He arrived on the grounds of Dunblane Primary School at around 9:30 am and parked his van near to a telegraph pole in the car park of the school. Hamilton severed the cables at the bottom of the telegraph pole, which served nearby houses, with a set of pliers before making his way across the car park towards the school buildings.[2]

Hamilton headed towards the northwest side of the school to a door near toilets and the school gymnasium. After gaining entry, he made his way to the gymnasium armed with four legally held handguns;[4] two 9mm Browning HP pistols and two Smith & Wesson M19 .357 Magnum revolvers.[2] He was also carrying 743 cartridges of ammunition.[1] In the gym was a class of twenty-eight Primary 1 pupils preparing for a P.E. lesson in the presence of three adult members of staff.[5] Before entering the gymnasium, it is believed he fired two shots into the stage of the assembly hall and the girls’ toilet.[2] Upon entering the gymnasium, Hamilton was about to be confronted by Eileen Harrild, the P.E. teacher in charge of the lesson, before he started shooting rapidly and randomly. He shot Harrild, who sustained injuries to her arms and chest as she attempted to protect herself, and continued shooting into the gymnasium.[2][5] Harrild managed to stumble into the open plan store cupboard at the side of the gym along with several injured children. Gwen Mayor, the teacher of the Primary 1 class, was shot and killed instantly.[2] The other present adult, Mary Blake, a supervisory assistant, was shot in the head and both legs but also managed to make her way to the store cupboard with several of the children in front of her.[2]

From entering the gymnasium and walking a few steps, Hamilton had fired 29 shots with one of the pistols and killed one child and injured several others. Four injured children had managed to shelter in the store cupboard along with the injured Harrild and Blake.[2] Hamilton then advanced up the east side of the gym, firing six shots as he walked and then fired eight shots towards the opposite end of the gym. He then proceeded towards the centre of the gym, firing 16 shots at point-blank range at a group of children who had been incapacitated by his earlier shots.[2]

A Primary 7 pupil who was walking along the west side of the gym building at the time heard loud bangs and screams and looked inside the gym. Hamilton shot in his direction and the pupil was injured by flying glass before running away.[2] From this position, Hamilton fired 24 cartridges in various directions. He fired shots towards a window next to the fire exit at the south-east end of the gym, possibly at an adult who was walking across the playground, and then fired four more shots in the same direction after opening the fire exit door.[2] Hamilton then exited the gym briefly through the fire exit, firing another four shots towards the cloakroom of the library, striking and injuring Grace Tweddle, another member of staff at the school.[2]

In the mobile classroom closest to the fire exit where Hamilton was standing, Catherine Gordon saw him firing shots and instructed her Primary 7 class to get down onto the floor before Hamilton fired nine bullets into the classroom, striking books and equipment. One bullet passed through a chair where a child had been sitting seconds beforehand.[2] Hamilton then reentered the gym, dropped the pistol he was using, and equipped himself with one of the two revolvers. He put the barrel of the gun in his mouth, pointed it upwards, and pulled the trigger, killing himself.[2] A total of 32 people sustained gunshot wounds inflicted by Hamilton over a 3–4 minute period, 16 of whom were fatally wounded in the gymnasium, which included Gwen Mayor and 15 of her pupils. One other child died later en route to hospital.[2]

Emergency response

The first call to the police was made at 9:41 a.m.[5] by the headmaster of the school, Ronald Taylor, who had been alerted by assistant headmistress Agnes Awlson to the possibility of a gunman on the school premises. Awlson had informed Taylor that she heard screaming inside the gymnasium and had seen what she thought to be cartridges on the ground, whilst Taylor had been aware of loud noises which he assumed to have been from builders on site that he had not been informed of. Whilst on his way to the gym, the shooting ended and when he saw what had happened ran back to his office and told deputy headmistress Fiona Eadington to call for ambulances, which was made at 9:43 a.m.

The first ambulance arrived on the scene at 9:57 a.m. in response to the call made at 9:43 a.m. Another medical team from Dunblane Health Centre arrived at 10:04 a.m. which included doctors and a nurse, who were involved in the initial resuscitation of the injured. Medical teams from the health centres in the nearby towns of Doune and Callander arrived shortly afterwards. The accident and emergency department at Stirling Royal Infirmary had also been informed of a major incident involving multiple casualties at 9:48 a.m. and the first of a number of medical teams from the hospital arrived at 10:15 am. Another medical team from the Falkirk and District Royal Infirmary arrived at 10:35 a.m.

By approximately 11:10 a.m., all of the injured victims had been taken to Stirling Royal Infirmary for medical treatment; one victim died en route to the hospital.[5] Upon examination, several of the patients were transferred to Falkirk and District Royal Infirmary in Falkirk and some to the Royal Hospital for Sick Children in Glasgow.[6]

Along with the 1987 Hungerford massacre, and the 2010 Cumbria shootings, it remains one of the deadliest criminal acts involving firearms in the history of the United Kingdom.

Perpetrator

Thomas Watt Hamilton
Thamilton.jpeg
Born (1952-05-10)10 May 1952
Glasgow, Scotland
Died 13 March 1996(1996-03-13) (aged 43)
Dunblane
Occupation Former shopkeeper
Criminal status Deceased
Parent(s) Thomas Watt Hamilton, Sr. (father)
Agnes Graham Hamilton (mother)

There had been a number of complaints to police regarding Hamilton’s behaviour towards the young boys who attended the youth clubs he directed. Claims had been made of his having taken photographs of semi-naked boys without parental consent.[7]

Hamilton had briefly been a Scout leader – initially, in July 1973, he was appointed assistant leader with the 4th/6th Stirling of the Scout Association. In the autumn of that year, he was seconded as leader to the 24th Stirlingshire troop, which was being revived. However, several complaints were made about his leadership, including two occasions when Scouts were forced to sleep with Hamilton in his van during hill-walking expeditions. Within months, on 13 May 1974, Hamilton’s Scout Warrant was withdrawn, with the County Commissioner stating that he was “suspicious of his moral intentions towards boys”. He was blacklisted by the Association and thus thwarted in a later attempt he made to become a Scout leader in Clackmannanshire.[8]

He claimed in letters that rumours about him led to the failure of his shop business in 1993, and in the last months of his life he complained again that his attempts to organise a boys’ club were subject to persecution by local police and the scout movement. Among those to whom he complained were the Queen and the local Member of Parliament, Michael Forsyth. In the 1980s, another MP, George Robertson, who lived in Dunblane, had complained to Forsyth about Hamilton’s local boys’ club, which his son had attended. On the day following the massacre, Robertson spoke of having argued with Hamilton “in my own home”.[9]

On 19 March 1996, six days after the massacre, the body of Thomas Hamilton was cremated in a private ceremony.[10]

Political impact

Gun control

The Cullen Inquiry into the massacre recommended that the government introduce tighter controls on handgun ownership[11] and consider whether an outright ban on private ownership would be in the public interest in the alternative (though club ownership would be maintained).[12] The report also recommended changes in school security[13] and vetting of people working with children under 18.[14] The Home Affairs Select Committee agreed with the need for restrictions on gun ownership but stated that a handgun ban was not appropriate.

A small group, known as the Gun Control Network was founded in the aftermath of the shootings and was supported by some parents of victims at Dunblane and of the Hungerford Massacre.[15] Bereaved families and their friends also initiated a campaign to ban private gun ownership, named the Snowdrop Petition (because March is snowdrop time in Scotland), which gained 705,000 signatures in support and was supported by some newspapers, including the Sunday Mail, a Scottish newspaper whose own petition to ban handguns had raised 428,279 signatures within five weeks of the massacre.

In response to this public debate, the then-current Conservative government of John Major introduced the Firearms (Amendment) Act 1997, which banned all cartridge ammunition handguns with the exception of .22 calibre single-shot weapons in England, Scotland and Wales. Following the 1997 General Election, the Labour government of Tony Blair introduced the Firearms (Amendment) (No. 2) Act 1997, banning the remaining .22 cartridge handguns in England, Scotland and Wales, and leaving only muzzle-loading and historic handguns legal, as well as certain sporting handguns (e.g. “Long-Arms”) that fall outside the Home Office Definition of a “handgun” because of their dimensions. The ban does not affect Northern Ireland, the Isle of Man, or the Channel Islands.

Security in schools, particularly primary schools, was improved in response to the Dunblane massacre and two other violent incidents south of the Border which occurred at around the same time: the murder of Philip Lawrence, a head teacher in London, and the wounding of six children and Lisa Potts, a nursery teacher, at a Wolverhampton nursery school. Many schools put up high perimeter fences and door entry systems which exist to this day.

Criticism of the judiciary

Evidence of previous police interaction with Hamilton was presented to the Cullen Inquiry but later sealed under a closure order to prevent publication for 100 years.[16] The official reason for sealing the documents was to protect the identities of children, but this led to accusations of a coverup intended to protect the reputations of officials.[17] Following a review of the closure order by the Lord Advocate, Colin Boyd, edited versions of some of the documents were released to the public in October 2005. Four files containing post mortems, medical records and profiles on the victims remained sealed under the 100 year order to avoid distressing the relatives and survivors.[18]

The released documents revealed that in 1991, following Hamilton’s Loch Lomond summer camp, complaints were made to Central Scotland Police and were investigated by the Child Protection Unit. Hamilton was reported to the Procurator Fiscal for consideration of ten charges, including assault, obstructing police and contravention of the Children and Young Persons Act 1937. No action was taken.[19]

Media coverage

Books

Two books – Dunblane: Our Year of Tears by Peter Samson and Alan Crow (Mainstream, 1996) and Dunblane: Never Forget by Mick North (Mainstream, 2000) – both give accounts of the massacre from the perspective of those most directly affected. Another book, Dunblane Unburied by Sandra Uttley (Book Publishing World 2006), whose publication was funded by a shooters’ organisation, the Sportsman’s Association,[20] examines Hamilton’s relationship with members of Central Scotland Police and presents a disturbing and largely conspiratorial account to the events leading up to the massacre. Uttley alleges a major high-level cover-up and calls for a new Public Inquiry to establish the truth. Uttley questions how Thomas Hamilton managed to tyrannize and intimidate so many boys at his clubs and summer camps for years without being stopped even though many parents complained to the police and councils and why Central Scotland Police were allowed to carry out the investigation when they were implicated. On 1 March 2006 Creation Books released Predicate: The Dunblane Massacre — Ten Years After by Peter Sotos.[21]

Television

On the Sunday following the shootings the morning service from Dunblane Cathedral, conducted by Rev. Colin MacIntosh, was broadcast live by the BBC. The BBC also had live transmission of the Memorial Service on 9 October 1996, also held at Dunblane Cathedral.

A documentary “Crimes That Shook Britain” featured the massacre.

A documentary Dunblane: Remembering our Children (produced by Chameleon Television), which featured many of the parents of the children who had been killed, was broadcast by STV and ITV at the time of the first anniversary.

At the time of the tenth anniversary in March 2006 two documentaries were broadcast. Channel 5 screened Dunblane — a decade on (made by Hanrahan Media) and BBC Scotland showed Remembering Dunblane.

Newspapers

In 2009, the Sunday Express came under some criticism for its coverage of the survivors of the massacre (see Sunday Express Dunblane controversy).

Memorials

Two days after the shooting, a vigil and prayer session was held at Dunblane Cathedral which was attended by people of all faiths.[1] On Mothering Sunday, on 17 March, Queen Elizabeth II and her daughter Anne, Princess Royal attended a memorial service at Dunblane Cathedral.[1]

Side view of the nave of a cathedral from outside. Tall arched glass windows run along half the length of the nave from the right. Adjacent to the nave, and to the left of the scene is a cuboid-shaped tower with a conical spire. The foreground is scattered with headstones of a graveyard on green grass.

Numerous memorial services have been held at Dunblane Cathedral.

Seven months after the massacre in October 1996, the families of the victims organised their own memorial service at Dunblane Cathedral in which more than 600 people attended, including Prince Charles who was representing the Royal Family.[1] The service was broadcast live on BBC1 and conducted by James Whyte, a former Moderator of the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland.[22] Television presenter Lorraine Kelly, who had befriended some of the victims’ families whilst reporting on the massacre for GMTV, was a guest speaker at the service.[1]

In August 1997, two varieties of rose were unveiled and planted as the centrepiece for a roundabout in Dunblane.[23] The two roses were developed by Cockers Roses of Aberdeen;[24] the ‘Gwen Mayor’[25] rose and ‘Innocence’[26] rose, in memory of the children killed. A snowdrop originally found in a Dunblane garden in the 1970s was renamed ‘Sophie North’ in memory of one of the victims of the massacre.[27][28]

The gymnasium at the school was demolished on 11 April 1996 and replaced by a memorial garden.[29] Two years after the massacre on 14 March 1998, a memorial garden was opened at Dunblane Cemetery, where Gwen Mayor and twelve of the children who were killed are buried.[30] The garden features a fountain with a plaque of the names of those killed.[30] Stained glass windows in memory of the victims were placed in three local churches, St Blane’s and the Church of the Holy Family in Dunblane and the nearby Lecropt Kirk as well as at the Dunblane Youth and Community Centre.

The National Association of Primary Education commissioned a sculpture, “Flame for Dunblane”, created by Walter Bailey from a single yew tree, which was placed in the National Forest, near the village of Moira, Leicestershire.

Commemoration stone

The Dunblane Commemoration standing stone.

In the nave of Dunblane Cathedral is a standing stone by the monumental sculptor Richard Kindersley. It was commissioned by the Kirk Session as the Cathedral’s commemoration and dedicated at a service on 12 March 2000. It is a Clashach stone two metres high on a Caithness flagstone base. The quotations on the stone are by E. V. Rieu (“He called a little child to him…”), Richard Henry Stoddard (“…the spirit of a little child”), Bayard Taylor (“But still I dream that somewhere there must be The spirit of a child that waits for me”) and W. H. Auden (“We are linked as children in a circle dancing”).

Musical tributes

With the consent of Bob Dylan, the musician Ted Christopher wrote a new verse for “Knockin’ on Heaven’s Door” in memory of the Dunblane school children and their teacher. The recording of the revised version of the song, which included brothers and sisters of the victims singing the chorus and Mark Knopfler on guitar, was released on 9 December 1996 in the UK, and reached number 1. The proceeds went to charities for children.[31] Pipe Sergeant Charlie Glendinning of the City of Washington Pipe Band (USA) composed “Dunblane,” a tune for bagpipes, which Bonnie Rideout arranged for two violins and viola. It was recorded on “Rant,” an album produced by Maggie’s Music.[32] Pipe Major Robert Mathieson of the Shotts and Dykehead Pipe Band composed a pipe tune in tribute, “The Bells of Dunblane.”[33] Australian band The Living End references the Dunblane massacre in their song “Monday” off their self-titled CD released in 1998.

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Cumbria Shootings

Derrick Bird, 2 June 2010

12 people Killed

Derrick Bird,

The Cumbria shootings was a killing spree that occurred on 2 June 2010 when a lone gunman, Derrick Bird, killed 12 people and injured 11 others before killing himself in Cumbria, England. Along with the 1987 Hungerford massacre, the 1989 Monkseaton shootings, and the 1996 Dunblane school massacre, it is one of the worst criminal acts involving firearms in British history.

The series of attacks began in mid-morning in Lamplugh and moved to Frizington, Whitehaven, Egremont, Gosforth, and Seascale, sparking a major manhunt by the Cumbria Constabulary, with assistance from Civil Nuclear Constabulary officers.

Bird, a 52-year-old local taxi driver, was later found dead in a wooded area, having abandoned his vehicle in the village of Boot. Two weapons that appeared to have been used in the shootings were recovered. A total of 30 different crime scenes were investigated. The event was the worst shooting incident in Britain since the Dunblane school massacre, in which 18 people died.

Queen Elizabeth II paid tribute to the victims and the Prince of Wales later visited Whitehaven in the wake of the tragedy. Prime Minister David Cameron and Home Secretary Theresa May also visited West Cumbria. A memorial fund has been set up to aid victims and affected communities.

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CCTV footage leaked of Derrick Bird driving and shooting through Whitehaven, Cumbria

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Timeline

Targeted shootings

In the early hours of 2 June, Bird left his home in Rowrah and drove his Citroën Xsara Picasso to his twin brother David’s home in Lamplugh,[5] where he shot him eleven times in the head and body with a .22 rifle, killing him.

He then went to Frizington, arriving at the home of the family solicitor, Kevin Commons, whom he prevented from leaving in his vehicle before firing twice with a double-barreled shotgun, hitting Commons once in the shoulder. Commons staggered out of his car and onto the entrance to his farmyard, where Bird killed him with two gunshots to the head from his rifle.[1][6][7][8] At 10:20 BST, the police were telephoned. Bird then moved on towards Whitehaven.[9] A witness called the Cumbria Constabulary to report Commons’ shooting, although her call was delayed by several minutes after she asked neighbours what she should do. She also erroneously described Bird as being armed with an air rifle despite being able to hear the gunshots.[1]

After killing Commons, Bird went to a friend’s residence to retrieve a shotgun he loaned, although he was answered by the friend’s wife, who didn’t have access to it.[1] Afterwards, at 10:33, Bird drove to a taxi rank on Duke Street, Whitehaven.[4][2][6] There, he called over Darren Rewcastle, another taxi driver who was previously known to Bird and had conflicts with him over his behaviour, poaching fares, and an incident where Rewcastle damaged the tyres on Bird’s taxi and openly boasted about it. When Rewcastle approached his taxi, Bird shot him twice at point-blank range with the .22 rifle, hitting him in the lower face, neck, and abdomen. Rewcastle died of his injuries, being the only person to die in Whitehaven.[1][6][7]

Soon after killing Rewcastle, Bird then drove alongside another taxi driver, Donald Reid, shooting and wounding him in the back. He then made a loop back to the taxi rank and fired twice at Reid as he waited for emergency personnel, missing him. Next, Bird drove away from the taxi rank, stopped alongside another taxi driver named Paul Wilson as he walked down Scotch Street, and called him over to his vehicle as he did with Rewcastle; when Wilson answered his call, Bird shot him in the right side of his face with the shotgun, severely wounding him. As a result of the shootings, unarmed officers at the local police station were informed and began following Bird’s taxi as it drove onto Coach Road. There, he fired his shotgun at a passing taxi, injuring the male driver, Terry Kennedy, and the female passenger, Emma Percival. Bird was then able to flee the officers after he aimed his shotgun at two of them, forcing them to take cover. However, he did not fire, and instead took advantage of the unarmed officers’ distraction to escape.[1]

Random shootings

In the wake of the Whitehaven shootings, residents in the town and also the neighbouring towns of Egremont and Seascale were immediately urged to stay indoors.[10] A massive manhunt for Bird was launched by the Cumbria Constabulary, which was assisted by Civil Nuclear Constabulary officers.[11] Bird proceeded to drive through several local towns, firing apparently at random, calling over a majority of the victims to his taxi before shooting them.

Near Egremont, Bird tried to shoot Jacqueline Williamson as she walked her dog, but she managed to escape without injury. Upon arriving in Egremont, Bird stopped alongside Susan Hughes as she walked home from shopping, and shot her in the chest and abdomen with the shotgun. He then got out of his taxi and got into a struggle with her before fatally shooting her in the back of the head with his rifle. Then, after driving a short distance onto Bridge End, Bird fired the shotgun at Kenneth Fishburn as he walked in the opposite direction; Fishburn suffered fatal wounds to the head and neck.[1][6][7] This was followed by the shooting of Leslie Hunter, who was called over to Bird’s taxi before being shot in the face at close range with the shotgun, then a second time in the back after he turned away to protect himself. Hunter survived his injuries.

Bird then went south towards Thornhill, where he fired his shotgun at a teenage girl named Ashley Glaister, but missed her. He then passed Carleton and travelled onto the village of Wilton, where he tried to visit Jason Carey, a member of a diving club that Bird was also in, but left when Carey’s wife came to the door. Soon after, he shot Jennifer Jackson once in the chest with his shotgun and twice in the head with his rifle, killing her. Bird then drove past Town Head Farm, but turned back towards it and fired his shotgun, fatally hitting Jennifer Jackson’s husband James in the head and wounding a woman named Christine Hunter-Hall in the back. He then drove back to Carleton and killed Isaac Dixon, a mole-catcher who was talking to a farmer in a field when he was fatally shot twice at close range by Bird’s shotgun.[1][6][7] A former semi-professional rugby league player, Garry Purdham, was soon shot and killed while working in a field outside the Red Admiral Hotel at Boonwood, near Gosforth.[1][6][7][12]

Bird then drove towards Seascale. Along the way, he began driving slowly and waved other motorists to pass him. He then shot a motorist named James “Jamie” Clark, who died of a shotgun wound to the head, although it was not clear at first whether he died from the gunshot wound or the subsequent car crash.[1][6][7] Bird then encountered another motorist named Harry Berger at a narrow, one-way passage underneath a railway bridge. When Berger allowed Bird to enter first, Bird fired at him as he passed by, shooting him twice and causing severe injury to his right arm. Three armed response vehicles attempting to pursue Bird were later blocked out of the tunnel by Berger’s vehicle, and nearby citizens had to push it away in order to let them pass.

Meanwhile, Bird had driven along the seafront and onto Drigg Road, where he fired twice at Michael Pike, a retired man who was bicycling in front of him; the first shot missed, but the second hit Pike in the neck and proved to be fatal. Seconds later, while on the same street, Bird fatally shot Jane Robinson in the neck and head with his shotgun at point-blank range after apparently calling her over.[1][6]

After killing Jane Robinson, who was the last fatality in the shootings, witnesses described Bird as driving increasingly erratically down the street. At 11:33, Police Constables Phillip Lewis and Andrew Laverack spotted Bird as his car passed by their vehicle. They attempted to pursue him, but were delayed in roadworks and lost sight of him a minute later. Soon afterwards, Bird drove into Eskdale Valley, where he wounded Jackie Lewis in the head with his rifle as she was out walking. At this point, his route had become clearer to police during their search for him. Next, Bird stopped alongside Fiona Moretta, who leaned into his passenger window, believing he was going to ask her for directions. Instead, he injured her in the face with the rifle, then continued onward towards the village of Boot.

Arriving there, Bird briefly stopped at a business premises called Sims Travel and fired his rifle at nearby people, but missed. Continuing further into the village, he continued firing at random people and missing. Bird eventually fired his rifle at two men, hitting and severely wounding Nathan Jones in the face. This was shortly followed by a couple who had stopped their car to take a photo; Samantha Chrystie suffered severe wounds to the face from a rifle bullet. Chrystie’s partner, Craig Ross, fled upon Bird’s instruction and was then fired at, but escaped uninjured.[1]

Suspect’s suicide

Shortly after firing at two cyclists, Bird crashed his taxi into a number of vehicles and a stone wall, damaging a tyre.[1] Briefly continuing onward, he abandoned his car when it ran out of petrol at a beauty spot, called Doctor Bridge, near Boot. A nearby family of four, who were unaware of the shootings, offered assistance to Bird, but were quickly turned down and advised to leave.[6][13] He removed the rifle from his taxi and walked over a bridge leading into Oak How Woods.[1] Bird was last seen alive at 12:30; shortly after 12:30, police confirmed that there had been a number of fatalities and that they were searching for a suspect. Police later announced they were searching for the driver of a dark-grey Citroën Xsara Picasso,[4] driven by the suspect, who was identified as Bird.[8] At around 12:36, armed police officers and dog handlers arrived at the scene of Bird’s abandoned taxi and began a search in and around the wooded area.[1]

At 14:00, Deputy Chief Constable Stuart Hyde[14] announced that a body, believed to be that of Bird, had been found in a wooded area, along with a rifle. Police confirmed shortly afterwards that members of the public who had taken shelter during the incident could now resume their normal activities.[15][16]

During the manhunt, the gates of the nearby Sellafield nuclear reprocessing plant were closed as a precaution, and the afternoon shift was told not to come to work. This was the first lock-down in the history of the plant.[4]

Aftermath

At 15:00, Prime Minister David Cameron, taking his first session of Prime Minister’s Questions, announced that “at least five” people had died, including the gunman.[17] Later that evening, a police press conference in Whitehaven announced that 12 people had been killed, that a further 11 people were injured, three of them critically,[17] and that the suspect had killed himself. They also confirmed that two weapons (a double-barrelled shotgun and a .22-calibre rifle with a scope and silencer) had been used by the suspect in the attacks and that thirty different crime scenes were being investigated.[4] The shootings were considered the worst mass-casualty shooting incident since the 1996 Dunblane school massacre, which left 18 people dead.[18] A report later determined that Bird fired a total of at least 47 rounds during most of the shootings (29 from his shotgun, 18 from his .22 rifle). Six live .22 rounds were also found on Bird’s body, while an additional eight were found held inside the rifle. A search in Bird’s home later recovered over 750 rounds of live .22 ammunition, 240 live shotgun shells, and a large amount of financial paperwork.[1]

Over the next few hours, Bird’s shooting of his brother and solicitor was revealed. The police stated that the shootings took place along a 15-mile (24 km) stretch of the Cumbrian coastline.[13] Helicopters from neighbouring police forces were used in the manhunt,[4] while those from the RAF Search and Rescue Force and the Yorkshire Air Ambulance responded to casualties. A major incident was declared by North Cumbria University Hospitals NHS Trust at West Cumberland Hospital, Whitehaven, with the accident and emergency department at the Cumberland Infirmary, Carlisle, on full incident stand-by.[4]

Bird had been a licensed firearms holder and the incident sparked debate about further gun control in the United Kingdom; the previous Dunblane and Hungerford shootings had led to increased firearms controls.[19]

Victims

Fatalities

Targeted shootings

David Bird, 52, killed at Lamplugh, twin brother of the gunman.

Kevin Commons, 60, killed at Frizington, gunman’s family solicitor.

Darren Rewcastle, 43, killed at Whitehaven, fellow taxi driver known to the gunman.

Random shootings

Susan Hughes, 57, killed at Egremont.

Kenneth Fishburn, 71, killed at Egremont.

Jennifer Jackson, 68, killed at Wilton, wife of James Jackson.

James Jackson, 67, killed at Wilton, husband of Jennifer Jackson.

Isaac Dixon, 65, killed at Carleton.

Garry Purdham, 31, killed at Gosforth.

James “Jamie” Clark,[1] 23, killed at Seascale.

Michael Pike, 64, killed at Seascale.

Jane Robinson, 66, killed at Seascale.

Injuries

  • Donald Reid
  • Paul Wilson
  • Terry Kennedy
  • Emma Percival
  • Leslie Hunter
  • Christine Hunter-Hall
  • Harry Berger
  • Jacqueline Lewis
  • Fiona Moretta
  • Nathan Jones
  • Samantha Chrystie

Perpetrator

Derrick Bird
Born (1957-11-27)27 November 1957[20]
Whitehaven, Cumbria[21]
Died 2 June 2010(2010-06-02) (aged 52)
Boot, Cumbria
Occupation Taxi driver
Criminal status Deceased
Children Two sons

Derrick Bird (27 November 1957 – 2 June 2010) was born to Joseph and Mary Bird. He had a twin brother, David, and an older brother.[22] He lived alone in Rowrah,[23][24] and had two sons with a woman from whom he separated in the mid-1990s. He became a grandfather in May 2010,[25] and was variously described as a popular and quiet man who worked as a self-employed taxi driver in Whitehaven.[24][23]

It was reported that he had previously sought help from a local hospital due to his fragile mental state, although these reports were unconfirmed.[26] Bird had held a shotgun certificate since 1974 and had renewed it several times, most recently in 2005, and had held a firearms certificate for a rifle from 2007 onward.[27][28] He was being investigated by HM Revenue and Customs.[29] The body of Bird was formally identified at Furness General Hospital in Barrow-in-Furness,[30] and he was cremated at a private service on 18 June 2010.[31]

Possible motives

There has been speculation that Bird may have had a grudge against people associated with the Sellafield nuclear power plant that he worked for as a joiner, resigning in 1990 due to an allegation of theft of wood from the plant. He was subsequently convicted, and given a 12-month suspended sentence.[32] Three of the dead were former employees although there is no evidence that any were involved with his resignation.[33]

Terry Kennedy, a fellow taxi driver who described himself as one of Bird’s best friends, and was wounded by Bird, has claimed that Bird had a relationship with a Thai girl he met on holiday in Pattaya, Thailand. It has been further claimed by another friend of Bird that he had sent £1,000 to the girl, who subsequently ended their relationship via a text message; he added that Bird had been “made a fool out of”.[34]

It has also been speculated that Bird had been involved with a family dispute over his father’s will. The speculation was heightened when it was revealed that Bird had targeted both his twin, David, and the family’s solicitor, Kevin Commons, in his attacks, killing both.[35]

Police investigating the killings have also found that Bird was the subject of an ongoing tax investigation by HM Revenue and Customs for tax evasion and the threat of possible future prosecution and punishment might have contributed to his action.[36] According to Mark Cooper, a fellow taxi driver who had known him for 15 years, Bird had accumulated £60,000 in a secret bank account and was worried he would be sent to prison for hiding the cash from HM Revenue & Customs.[37]

Reactions

Official responses and visits

Prime Minister David Cameron was joined by several other MPs in expressing the House of Commons members’ shock and horror at the events during Prime Minister’s Questions.[38]

On the evening of 2 June, the Queen said she was “deeply shocked” by the shootings and shared the nation’s “grief and horror”.[39]

The Home Secretary, Theresa May MP, expressed her regret at the deaths and paid tribute to the response of the emergency services. The Cabinet met to discuss the shootings and May later made a statement on the Cumbria incident to the House of Commons on 3 June 2010.[40] Cameron and May visited the affected region on 4 June 2010 to meet victims, officials and local people.[41]

Jamie Reed, the local Member of Parliament for Copeland, called the incident the “blackest day in our community’s history”.[42]

Prince Charles visited Whitehaven on 11 June 2010 to meet members of the community affected by the tragedy.[43]

Media

BBC One altered their programming to broadcast two BBC News Specials about the shootings, at 14:15 and 19:30 on the same day.[44] The ITV continuing drama, Coronation Street was cancelled on 2, 3, and 4 June as it contained a violent storyline featuring a gun siege in a factory. The episodes were rescheduled to run the following week.[45][46] An episode of the Channel 4 panel game You Have Been Watching, which was due to be broadcast on 3 June 2010, was postponed because it was a crime special.[47]

In addition, pop singer Lady Gaga came under criticism after performing a murder scene at her concert in Manchester – as part of her Monster Ball Tour – just hours after the shooting spree.[48] Comedian Frankie Boyle also attracted criticism for referring to the shootings on the day.[49] The Times journalist Giles Coren suggested Bird should read a copy of his book on anger management. He later apologised for the remark. Both Coren’s initial remark and subsequent apology were made on his Twitter feed.[50]

Memorials

On 9 June 2010, a week after the incident, memorial services were held in the West Cumbria towns affected by the shootings followed by a minute’s silence at midday. Soon after the minute’s silence taxi drivers on Duke St. sounded their horns for one minute to show their respect. The minute’s silence for the Cumbria victims was also marked prior to David Cameron’s second Prime Minister’s Questions in Parliament.[51] The funerals of the majority of Bird’s victims were held at various churches in West Cumbria.[52][53]

Memorial fund

A memorial fund has been established by the Cumbria Community Foundation to aid victims and communities affected by the West Cumbria shootings

4th October – Deaths & Events in Northern Ireland Troubles

Key Events & Deaths on this day in Northern Ireland Troubles
4th October

Friday 4 October 1968

A Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association (NICRA) delegation met with the Derry March organisers and tried to have the march cancelled. Eventually it was decided to go ahead with the march. [ Civil Rights Campaign; Derry March. ]

Monday 4 October 1971

A British soldier was killed when the Official Irish Republican Army (OIRA) carried out a bomb attack on a British Army (BA) observation post in Belfast..

Sunday 4 October 1981

Republican prisoners issued a statement blaming pressure on their families as the reason for the ending of the hunger strike: “Mounting pressure and cleric-inspired demoralisation led to [family] interventions and five strikers have been taken off their fast.”

Monday 4 October 1993

The Irish Republican Army (IRA) exploded five bombs in north London and injured four people. The IRA issued a statement welcoming the Hume-Adams Initiative.

Tuesday 4 October 1994

Gerry Adams, then President of Sinn Féin (SF), led a SF delegation to a meeting with senior United States government officials in Washington. Nancy Soderberg, then Staff Director of the National Security Council, was one of the US officials present at the meeting.

[The meeting was able to take place due to a change of US policy on SF.]

Following the meeting Adams took part in a television debate with Ken Maginness, then Ulster Unionist Party (UUP) MP.

Wednesday 4 October 1995

William Crowe, then United States Ambassador to the UK, together with Nancy Soderberg, then Staff Director of the National Security Council, held separate meetings with a number of party representatives in Belfast. The pair met with the Ulster Unionist Party (UUP), the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP), the Social

Monday 4 October 1999

A pipe-bomb was thrown at a Catholic taxi driver as he travelled through the Peter’s Hill area of west Belfast. The bomb failed to explode. The Red Hand Defenders (RHD) later claimed responsibility for the attack.

[In 2001 it became apparent that RHD was a cover name used by both the Ulster Defence Association (UDA) and the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF).]

Talks between David Trimble, then leader of the Ulster Unionist Party (UUP), and Gerry Adams, then President of Sinn Féin (SF), broke up without any progress in advance of the Mitchell Review.

Decommissioning remained the main issue preventing the UUP from accepting SF’s participation in the new Northern Ireland Executive.

The results of a survey conducted by the Northern Ireland Statistics and Research Agency (NISRA) indicated that the average weekly income of Catholic families was £306 compared to £351 for Protestant families.

The Irish Government announced an Exchequer surplus of £1.7 billion. Employers’ organisations, along with major unions, also called for significant tax concessions in the Budget.

Thursday 4 October 2001

Nuala O’Loan, then Police Ombudsman, held a media briefing in Derry to announce that she was upholding a complaint that the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) never communicated directly with the family of Samuel Devenny (42) about the investigation into the attack on him by RUC officers.

The attack took place in Devenny’s home on 19 April 1969 and he died as a result of his injuries on 17 July 1969. O’Loan stated that disciplinary action could not now be taken against the former RUC officers. A report into the incident carried out by Metropolitan police officers under Kenneth Drury, then Detective Chief Superintendent, failed to identify the RUC officers concerned because of “a conspiracy of silence”.

1 union jack

Sinn Féin (SF) lost a high court challenge to the ruling by Peter Mandelson, former Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, that the union flag should be flown over ministerial offices in Northern Ireland on 17 days each year. Martin McGuinness and Bairbre de Brún had contested the Flags Order that had been introduced by Mandelson when the Northern Ireland Executive failed to reach agreement over the issue in 2000.

The results of an opinion poll, the Northern Ireland Omnibus survey, were published. Of those questioned almost 70 per cent felt that the new Policing Board will help ensure a satisfactory standard of policing.

A man was shot in the leg in a paramilitary ‘punishment’ attack in Ardoyne, north Belfast, at appoximately 9.00pm (21.00BST). A number of fireworks were thrown at a house in Thornburn Road, north Belfast. The British Army defused three pipe bombs during a series of security alerts in the Hillview Road area of north Belfast.

———————————————————————————

Remembering all innocent victims of the Troubles

Today is the anniversary of the death of the following  people killed as a results of the conflict in Northern Ireland

“To live in hearts we leave behind is not to die.”
Thomas Campbell

To the innocent on the list – Your memory will live  forever

– To  the Paramilitaries  –

There are many things worth living for, a few things worth dying for, but nothing worth killing for.

  7  People lost their lives on the 4th  October  between 1971 – 1989

————————————————————–

04 October 1971


Brian Hall,  (22) nfNI
Status: British Army (BA),

Killed by: Official Irish Republican Army (OIRA)
Killed in bomb attack on British Army (BA) observation post, Cupar Street, Belfast.

————————————————————–

04 October 1972


James McCartan,   (21)

Catholic
Status: Civilian (Civ),

Killed by: Ulster Defence Association (UDA)
Found shot on waste ground, beside Connswater River, off Mersey Street, Belfast.

————————————————————–

04 October 1972
Patrick Connolly,   (23)

Catholic
Status: Civilian (Civ),

Killed by: Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF)
Killed by hand grenade thrown into his home, Deramore Drive, Portadown, County Armagh

————————————————————–

04 October 1974


James Willis, (33)

Protestant
Status: Civilian (Civ),

Killed by: Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF)
Shot while on his way to work, Moonstone Street, off Lisburn Road, Belfast. Catholic workmate intended target.

————————————————————–

04 October 1987
James McDaid,  (30)

Catholic
Status: Civilian (Civ),

Killed by: Irish National Liberation Army (INLA)
Found shot in abandoned car near Crossmaglen, County Armagh. Alleged criminal.

————————————————————–

04 October 1988


Brian Armour,  (48)

Protestant
Status: Prison Officer (PO),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Off duty. Killed by booby trap bomb attached to his car shortly after leaving his home, while driving along Abetta Parade, Bloomfield, Belfast.

————————————————————–

04 October 1989
James Babington,  (52)

Catholic
Status: Civilian (Civ),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Shot while walking to work along Chichester Park South, off Antrim Road, Belfast.

————————————————————–

Alan Henning – A Hero who died helping others. R.I.P

Update: 17/May/2016

Great to see that Alan Henning’s home  town is to honour his memory  and open a  memorial garden  to this kind , beautiful human –  who was killed by the scum of the earth , whilst helping others. His memory will live long and one day Karma will catch up with those responsible for his brutal, pointless murder.

Karma always collects its debts

A memorial to murdered Islamic State hostage Alan Henning will be opened on Tuesday.

The circular garden, at Eccles Recreation Ground, has been created at the site where hundreds of Salfordians gathered for a moving candlelit vigil the weekend that news of Alan’s brutal killing was announced in October 2014.

He had been kidnapped while delivering aid to Syria in December 2013.

Ceremonial Mayor of Salford Councillor Peter Dobbs will open proceedings at 6pm

see Manchester Evening News for full story & details.

Alan Henning – A Saint who died helping others

Eccles marks anniversary with yellow ribbons

Eccles town centre
A “prayer point” was set up in Eccles town centre for the anniversary

A Greater Manchester town has been adorned with yellow ribbons to mark the first anniversary of aid worker Alan Henning’s murder.

The 47-year old taxi driver, from Eccles, Salford, was taking aid to Syria when he was kidnapped and killed by Islamic State (IS) militants in October 2014.

At the time, he was the fourth western hostage to be murdered by the group. People in Eccles laid the ribbons in memory of Mr Henning. A similar tribute was held in the days after his death.

Meanwhile, Eccles MP Barbara Keeley has renewed calls for Prime Minister David Cameron to officially recognise his charity work with a posthumous award.

“I think there should be some way to mark the noble sacrifice that Alan made,” said Ms Keeley.

“His mission to help children in Syria was a remarkable one and, of course, he lost his life.

“I think that should be marked with some sort of formal award.”

Ms Keeley said she had spoken to Mr Cameron and hoped there could soon be developments.

Prayers will also be said over the weekend at Eccles Parish Church

Original story BBC News

————————————————————————————————————-

The order of service for the memorial

Among the catalogue of horrors committed by these animals the murder of Alan Henning struck a cord deep in my soul. Here was a kind, gentle man giving his time and energy to help people  in Syria  and yet his sadistic killers used his murder to promote their twisted ideology and shock the world with the video of his beheading.

Words could not express the revulsion this caused around the world and if anything I feel his murder appalled even other Islamic extremists and damaged the credibility of ISIS among their deluded followers. What kind of god would want innocence like Alan killed in such a barbaric manner is beyond me.

But I believe in Karma and Karma always collects its debts!

Alan Henning

Alan Henning (15 August 1967 – c. 3 October 2014) was an English taxicab driver-turned-volunteer humanitarian aid worker.

He was the fourth Western hostage killed by Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) whose killing was publicised in a beheading video.

Henning was captured during ISIL’s occupation of the Syrian city of Al-Dana in December 2013. He was there helping provide humanitarian relief.  The British Foreign Office withheld news of Henning’s capture while it attempted to negotiate his release.

Local colleagues warned Henning not to cross the border into Syria, but he said he wanted to make sure the supplies were delivered safely.

When he was captured, Henning was a driver for the organisation Rochdale Aid 4 Syria. Rochdale Aid 4 Syria campaigned the release of Al Qaeda terrorist Aaifa Siddiqui, currently serving an 86 year prison sentence. The group even named projects in her honour. Rochdale Aid 4 Syria was condemned fiercely by the local MP Simon Danczuk.

Rochdale Aid 4 Syria also raised money on behalf of Al-Fatiha Global, a British-based organisation which claimed to provide humanitarian aid to those caught up in warzones. Al-Fatiha Global is a registered charity which was under investigation by the Charity Commission after one of its workers was photographed with his arms around two hooded fighters carrying machine guns. Al-Fatiha Global said that worker had been dismissed. Al Qaeda member Adam Gadahn condemned the beheading.

Henning was shown at the end of David Cawthorne Haines‘s execution video, released on 13 September 2014, and was referred to as being the next victim by Mohammed Emwazi, the media described as “Jihadi John” of the ISIL cell described as The Beatles. A video of Henning’s beheading was released on 3 October 2014. After his execution, British Prime Minister David Cameron ordered MI5, MI6, and GCHQ to track and kill or capture the killer

Early life

Henning was a cab driver in Salford, Greater Manchester, in North West England before he travelled to Syria in December 2013 to be a volunteer aid worker.  He has also been described as being from Eccles, Greater Manchester.[12] There has also been a fundraising page set up to help his family.

He was married to Barbara Livesey Henning  and had two children, Lucy and Adam.

Kidnapping

Henning was part of a team of volunteers delivering goods in December 2013 to people affected by Syria’s civil war. He was abducted on 26 December 2013 by masked gunmen, according to other people in his aid convoy.

Beheading

A video released on 3 October 2014 shows his apparent beheading;the executioner blames it on the UK for its joining the U.S.-led bombing campaign against ISIS.

Before his throat is slit, Henning appears on camera, seemingly handcuffed behind his back and in a kneeling position, next to a knife-wielding masked man (Jihadi John, of the ISIL cell known as The Beatles). Henning speaks, referencing the British Parliament‘s decision to participate in a coalition of countries, such as the United States, that have banded together to bomb the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria.

The end of the video shows American aid worker Peter Kassig, and a threat to his life.

Reactions

 

 

Prime Minister David Cameron condemned the killing as “absolutely appalling” and “completely unforgivable” and vowed to do everything to defeat ISIL. He described Henning as a man of great peace, kindness and gentleness, saying:

“He went with many Muslim friends out to do no more than simply help other people. His Muslim friends will be mourning him at this special time of Eid and the whole country is mourning with them.”

On 5 October prayers were said for Henning in churches across Bolton. The Bishop of Bolton Rt Rev Chris Edmondson said: “This is the most horrific, brutal and barbaric act. Leaders of Christian and Muslim faiths have universally condemned this act.” Bolton Interfaith Council and Bolton Council of Mosques, who had held a vigil for Henning before news of his death, said they would continue to pray for him.

A special service of remembrance was held at Eccles Parish Church, attended by Henning’s widow. A memorial fund had been set up, by friend and fellow aid-worker Shameela Islam-Zulfiqar, with the aim of raising £20,000 . By 9 October £30,000 had been raised by the Muslim community and would be used to help support Henning’s family. A further memorial service was held on 12 October at the British Muslim Heritage Centre, organised by friends and humanitarian aid colleagues of Henning, attracting over 600 people.

On 7 October, former Guantánamo Bay detainee Moazzam Begg proclaimed that he had offered to intervene to help secure Henning’s release.

The Salafi Muslims of the UK also condemned the murder of Alan Henning noting that ISIS has violated Islam’s respect for covenants and that ISIS had also mistreated Henning and the Muslims captured along with him. While a London-based follower of Omar Bakri, Mizanur Rahman (aka Abu Baraa), justified the killing. Mizanur Rahman however was strongly criticised by Salafi Muslims.

On 15 October Labour MP Barbara Keeley, speaking during Prime Minister’s Questions, called for a national honour to recognise Henning’s sacrifice, and for support for his widow and children. David Cameron agreed and said he would look carefully at her suggestion.

In an al Qaeda magazine interview, terrorist leader Adam Gadahn condemned ISIS and the execution of Alan Henning, saying that al Qaeda had pleaded for his release and saying ISIS will be punished in the afterlife.