Monthly Archives: March 2016

Operation Banner – August 1969 – July 2007

Remembering all our murdered Hero’s 1441 British armed force personnel died in Operation Banner During the 38 year operation, 1,441 members of the British armed forces died in Operation Banne…

Source: Operation Banner – August 1969 – July 2007

22nd March – Deaths & Events in Northern Ireland Troubles

Key Events & Deaths on this day in Northern Ireland Troubles

22nd March

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Wednesday 22 March 1972

Brian Faulkner, then Prime Minister of Northern Ireland, went to London to be informed of the introduction of ‘Direct Rule’.

Thursday 22 March 1979

Members of the Irish Republican Army (IRA) killed Richard Sykes (58), then British Ambassador to the Netherlands, and also his Dutch valet Krel Straub (19), in a gun attack in Den Haag, Netherlands.

The IRA carried out a series of attacks across Northern Ireland with 24 bombs exploding on same day.

Sunday 22 March 1981

Raymond McCreesh, an Irish Republican Army (IRA) prisoner in the Maze Prison, and Patsy O’Hara, then leader of Irish National Liberation Army (INLA) prisoners in the Maze, joined the hunger strike. Brian Lenihan, then Irish Foreign Minister, said that the on-going talks between the British and Irish governments could lead to a United Ireland in 10 years.

Tuesday 22 March 1983

In a district council by-election in Omagh, County Tyrone, a Sinn Féin (SF) candidate won the seat.

[This was the first local government election contested by SF during the current conflict.]

Thursday 22 March 1984

The Irish Republican Army (IRA) exploded three bombs in buildings in the centre of Belfast.

A new Prevention of Terrorism Act became law. The act allowed the Secretary of State to proscribe (declare illegal) organisations that were believed to be associated with terrorism. In addition to issue exclusion orders that prevent people from Northern Ireland travelling to other parts of the United Kingdom or from travelling from the Republic of Ireland to Northern Ireland.

The act allowed the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) to arrest people without a warrant and to detain them for 48 hours, and a further five days on the authority of the Secretary of State.

Friday 22 March 1985

It was announced that Roberty Pascoe would replace Robert Richardson as Commanding Officer of the British Army in Northern Ireland as from June 1985

Sunday 22 March 1987

James Miller, a former MI5 (British Intelligence) agent, claimed that the intelligence service had helped to promote the Ulster Workers’ Council (UWC) strike of 1974 in an effort to destabilise the then Laour Government led by Harold Wilson.

Tuesday 22 March 1988

The Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) asked television companies (BBC, ITN and RTE) to give them untransmitted film of the incident involving the two British Army corporals on 19 March 1988.

[The television companies initially refused but later allowed the RUC access to the material. The event caused further friction between the British government and the media.]

Wednesday 22 March 1989

The new Prevention of Terrorism Act became law and allowed the authorities to check bank accounts for paramilitary funds.

Wednesday 22 March 1995

Michael Ancram, then Political Development Minister at the Northern Ireland Office (NIO), participated in a meeting between NIO officials and representatives of the Progressive Unionist Party (PUP) and Ulster Democratic Party (UDP).

Friday 22 March 1996

The Irish Republican Army (IRA) stated that there was little prospect for a renewed ceasefire.

Saturday 22 March 1997

The Ulster Unionist Council of the Ulster Unionist Party (UUP) held its annual meeting in Belfast. David Trimble, then leader of the UUP, criticised “aggressive, loudmouth Unionists” without naming anyone in particular.

[Many people took this to be a reference to Ian Paisley, then leader of the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP), and the DUP issued a statement which called Trimble’s comments “vile, vicious, and venomous”.]

The Alliance Party of Northern Ireland (APNI) held its annual conference. Addressing the conference John Alderdice, then leader of APNI, warned that Northern Ireland could become “Balkanised” by conflict over parades.

Sunday 22 March 1998

Garda Síochána (the Irish police) discovered a large bomb, estimated at 1,300 pounds, in Dundalk, Republic of Ireland, which was about to be transported to a target in Northern Ireland. Two men were arrested at the scene of the discovery.

[It was initially believed that the Continuity Irish Republican Army (CIRA) was responsible for the bomb.]

The Garvaghy Road Residents Coalition (GRRC) organised a march from Park Road in Portadown, County Armagh, to a rally on the Garvaghy Road in Portadown. The march was held to highlight the continuing lack of dialogue between the Orange Order and the residents of the Garvaghy Road.

Several hundred Loyalists gathered to demonstrate against the parade and the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) kept the two groups apart.

A Loyalist gang of approximately 50 men tried to enter a Nationalist estate in north Belfast but were prevented by an RUC patrol. The Loyalists then attacked the RUC car and the officers inside with petrol bombs. Reinforcements had to be called and six people were arrested.

 

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Remembering all innocent victims of the Troubles

Today is the anniversary of the death of the following people killed as a results of the conflict in Northern Ireland

“To live in hearts we leave behind is not to die

– Thomas Campbell

To the innocent on the list – Your memory will live  forever

– To  the Paramilitaries  –

There are many things worth living for, a few things worth dying for, but nothing worth killing for.

3 People   lost their lives on the 22nd March between 1979– 1987

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22 March 1979


Richard Sykes,   (58)

nfNIE
Status: Civilian Political Activist (CivPA),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
British Ambassador to the Netherlands. Shot outside his official residence, Den Haag, Netherlands.

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22 March 1979
Krel Straub,   (19)

nfNIE
Status: Civilian (Civ),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Dutch valet to British Ambassador to the Netherlands. Shot outside the ambassador’s official residence, Den Haag, Netherlands.

 —————————————————————————

22 March 1987
Kevin Duffy,  (20)

Catholic
Status: Irish National Liberation Army (INLA),

Killed by: Irish People’s Liberation Organisation (IPLO)
Found shot in playground of St Brigid’s School, Nursery Road, Armagh. Irish National Liberation Army (INLA) / Irish People’s Liberation Organisation (IPLO) feud.

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23rd March – Deaths & Events in Northern Ireland Troubles

Key Events & Deaths on this day in Northern Ireland Troubles

23rd March

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Tuesday 23 March 1971

Faulkner Became Prime Minister

Brian Faulkner succeeds as Northern Ireland Prime Minister after defeating William Craig in a Unionist Party leadership election.

[Faulkner’s tenure of office was to prove very short.]

The Local Government Boundaries (Northern Ireland) Act became law. The Act provided for the appointment of a Boundaries Commissioner to recommend the boundaries and names of district council and ward areas.

Friday 23 March 1973

IRA Honey trap Killings

IRA Honey trap 1

See Below for more details

See IRA Honey Trap & death of three off duty Scottish soldiers

Three members of the British Army were shot dead by the Irish Republican Army (IRA) in a house in the Antrim Road, Belfast. The soldiers had been lured to the house. A Catholic civilian was shot dead by Loyalists in Belfast.

Saturday 23 March 1974

The Ulster Workers’ Council (UWC), a new Loyalist grouping, issued a statement calling for new elections to the Northern Ireland Assembly. The UWC threatened civil disobedience unless the Executive was dissolved.

Monday 23 March 1981

hungry strikes

See 1981 Hunger Strike

Saturday 23 March 1985

The Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) held its annual conference in Castlereagh, East Belfast.

During his speech, Ian Paisley, then leader of the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP), accused the Irish government, the Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP), and the Catholic hierarchy of having a vested interest in Irish Republican Army (IRA) atrocities.

 

Monday 23 March 1987

Two Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) officers and a civilian employed by the Prison Sevice were killed in related incidents on the Magee Campus of the University of Ulster.

The report on the alleged ‘shoot to kill’ policy of the security forces was completed by Colin Sampson and delivered to Sir John Hermon, then Chief Constable of the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC).

Friday 23 March 1990 4

James Molyneaux, then leader of the Ulster Unionist Party (UUP), said that there would be no agreement on talks while Articles 2 and 3 of the Irish Constitution remained.

Peter Brooke, then Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, said that there was no question mark over the future of the Ulster Defence Regiment (UDR).

Tuesday 23 March 1993

There was a meeting of the Anglo-Irish Intergovernmental Conference (AIIC) in Belfast. The meeting agreed to increase security measures in Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland.

Thursday 23 March 1995

The Ulster Freedom Fighters (UFF), a cover name (pseudonym) used by the Ulster Defence Association (UDA), said its prisoners backed the ceasefire and the policies of the Ulster Democratic Party (UDP).

There was a delay in discussions between Sinn Féin (SF) and Northern Ireland Office (NIO) ministers when SF said it wished to discuss ‘demilitarisation’ rather than decommissioning of paramilitary weapons.

Saturday 23 March 1996

David Trimble, then leader of the Ulster Unionist Party (UUP) made a keynote speech at the Annual General Meeting of the Ulster Unionist Council. Sinn Féin (SF) Ard Fheis began in Ambassador Cinema in Dublin. A SF decision on taking part in the 30 May 1996 elections was left for the party’s Ard Chomhairle to make.

Monday 23 March 1998

Sinn Féin (SF) Rejoined Talks

After some initial doubts, Sinn Féin rejoined the multi-party talks at Stormont.

[Although the party had been expelled on 20 February 1998 and the date set for the return to the talks was 9 March 1998, SF had delayed until it had secured a meeting with the British Prime Minister and then decided to wait until after the St Patrick’s Day celebrations.]

The House of Commons Select Committee on Northern Ireland Affairs published a report that highlighted electoral malpractice in the region. The report drew attention to the particular problem of absent voting (postal votes) as well as a serious level of multiple registration in a number of areas.

Tuesday 23 March 1999

A man was injured by a bobby-trap bomb (grenade) as he worked at a scrapyard in Castlewellan, County Down. The attack was carried out by the Orange Volunteers (OV) a dissident Loyalist paramilitary group.

Rosemary-Nelson--001

The husband of Rosemary Nelson called for an inquiry into her death, but one that was independent of the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC). This call followed a report by the Independent Commission on Police Complaints (ICPC), which had been investigating allegations of death threats against Rosemary Nelson made by members of the RUC. Although the report was not then published it was reported that the inquiry had run into various difficulties, including some from the chief inspector who, “appeared to have difficulties in co-operating productively” with the barrister in charge of the inquiry.

See  Rosemary Nelson

[Later Ronnie Flanagan, then Chief Constable of the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC), said that he would publish as much as was possible of the report. The report had been prepared by Niall Mulvihill, then Commander of the Metropolitan Police in London, and had been submitted to the Director of Public Prosecutions. A ‘review’ based on the report was issued on 30 March 1999.]

Jack Straw, then British Home Secretary, challenged the release of three Irish Republican Army (IRA) prisoners arrested and convicted in England.

[This action failed but was widely criticised and put additional pressure on the peace process.]

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Remembering all innocent victims of the Troubles

Today is the anniversary of the death of the following people killed as a results of the conflict in Northern Ireland

“To live in hearts we leave behind is not to die

– Thomas Campbell

To the innocent on the list – Your memory will live  forever

– To  the Paramilitaries  –

There are many things worth living for, a few things worth dying for, but nothing worth killing for.

 9 People   lost their lives on the 23rd March between 1972– 1987

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23 March 1972


Sean O’Riordan,  (13)

Catholic
Status: Irish Republican Army Youth Section (IRAF),

Killed by: British Army (BA)
Shot during petrol bomb attack on British Army (BA) foot patrol, Cawnpore Street, Falls, Belfast.

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IRA Honey trap Killings

IRA Honey trap 1

Click this link  to read full News Story

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Sgt Thomas Penrose. Aged 28.

While off duty and with two friends S/Sgt Barrington Foster. aged 28 Duke Of Edinburgh Regiment and  Sgt Michael Muldoon. aged 25 Royal Army Dental Corps, were lured to a house by some women on the pretext of a party in the Antrim Road Area of Belfast, The IRA were waiting for them and executed the three Men on the 24-03-1973.

See IRA Honey Trap & death of three off duty Scottish soldiers

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23 March 1973
Thomas Penrose,   (28)

nfNI
Status: British Army (BA),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Off duty. Shot shortly after being lured to house, Antrim Road, Belfast

Click this link  to read full News Story

See IRA Honey Trap & death of three off duty Scottish soldiers

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23 March 1973
 Barrington Foster,  (28)

nfNI
Status: British Army (BA),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Off duty. Shot shortly after being lured to house, Antrim Road, Belfast.

Click this link  to read full News Story

See IRA Honey Trap & death of three off duty Scottish soldiers

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23 March 1973
Michael Muldoon,   (25)

nfNI
Status: British Army (BA),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Off duty. Shot shortly after being lured to house, Antrim Road, Belfast

Click this link  to read full News Story

See IRA Honey Trap & death of three off duty Scottish soldiers

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.

23 March 1974
Donald Farrell,  (56)

Protestant
Status: ex-British Army (xBA),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
From Northern Ireland. Recently retired from British Army (BA) . Shot while sitting in his stationary car, near to his home, Mountfield, near Omagh, County Tyrone.

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23 March 1985
John Corcoran, (45)

nfNIRI
Status: Irish Republican Army (IRA),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
From County Cork. Found shot Ballincollig, near Cork. Alleged informer.

See: IRA Internal Security Unit – Nutting Squad

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23 March 1987


Leslie Jarvis,   (62)

Protestant
Status: Civilian (Civ),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Civilian employed at Magilligan Prison. Shot in car park outside Magee College of Further Education, Rock Road, Derry.

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23 March 1987


Austin Wilson,   (35)

Protestant
Status: Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Killed by booby trap bomb hidden in briefcase, which exploded when called to the scene of a shooting at the car park of Magee College of Further Education, Rock Road, Derry.

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23 March 1987


John Bennison,  (41)

Protestant
Status: Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Killed by booby trap bomb hidden in briefcase, which exploded when called to the scene of a shooting at the car park of Magee College of Further Education, Rock Road, Derry

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21st March – Deaths & Events in Northern Ireland Troubles

 

Key Events & Deaths on this day in Northern Ireland Troubles

21st March

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Tuesday 21 March 1972

Direct Rule

 

Saturday 21 March 1981

Tomás Ó Fiaich, then Catholic Primate of Ireland, issued a statement calling upon the Irish Republican Army (IRA) to end its use of violence.

Monday 21 March 1983

Margaret Thatcher, then British Prime Minister, held a brief meeting with Garret FitzGerald, then Taoiseach (Irish Prime Minister), at an European Economic Community (EEC) summit meeting.

This was Thatcher’s first meeting with a Taoiseach in over 15 months.

Saturday 21 March 1987

Alan Dukes was elected as leader of Fine Gael.

Monday 21 March 1994

Loyalists set alight the car belonging to Joe Hendron, then Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP) MP, which was parked outside his south Belfast home.

It was reported that there were angry exchanges between Ian Paisley, then leader of the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP), and John Major, then British Prime Minister, at 10 Downing Street, London.

[There were also reports that Paisley together with some of his colleagues temporarily locked themselves into a toilet at No.10.]

Thursday 21 March 1996

John Major, then British Prime Minister, announced details of elections to be held on 30 May 1996. The elections were designed to decide which parties would take part in all-party negotiations on 10 June 1996. The elections were also to elect delegates to the proposed Forum. The Forum was to be made up of 110 delegates, 90 elected directly and 20 ‘top-up’ seats from the 10 parties polling the most votes.

The Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP) and Sinn Féin (SF) both criticised the proposals.

Friday 21 March 1997

Brendan Smyth, a Catholic priest convicted of child sex abuse, was released from prison in Northern Ireland and then extradited to the Republic of Ireland to face further charges of abusing children.

Saturday 21 March 1998

David Trimble, then leader of the Ulster Unionist Party (UUP), delivered a key note speech at the Annual General Meeting of the Ulster Unionist Council.

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Remembering all innocent victims of the Troubles

Today is the anniversary of the death of the following people killed as a results of the conflict in Northern Ireland

“To live in hearts we leave behind is not to die

– Thomas Campbell

To the innocent on the list – Your memory will live  forever

– To  the Paramilitaries  –

There are many things worth living for, a few things worth dying for, but nothing worth killing for.

6  People   lost their lives on the 21st March between 1974– 1996

 —————————————————————————

21 March 1974


Gerard McCarthy,  (28)

Catholic
Status: Civilian (Civ),

Killed by: non-specific Loyalist group (LOY)
Shot while travelling in his firm’s lorry, shortly after leaving his workplace, Duncrue Street, Belfast.

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21 March 1975
David Halliday,   (60)

Protestant
Status: Civilian (Civ),

Killed by: Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF)
Died four months after being shot during armed robbery at Northern Bank, junction of Lyle Street and Crumlin Road, Belfast. He was injured on 18 November 1974.

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21 March 1980
Sean Walker,   (18)

nfNI
Status: British Army (BA),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Died two weeks after being injured in remote controlled bomb attack on British Army (BA) foot patrol, Crossmaglen, County Armagh.

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21 March 1987


Emmanuel Gargan,  (25)

Catholic
Status: Irish National Liberation Army (INLA),

Killed by: Irish People’s Liberation Organisation (IPLO)
Shot while in Hatfield Bar, Ormeau Road, Belfast. Irish National Liberation Army / Irish People’s Liberation Organisation feud.

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21 March 1988


Clive Graham,  (25)

Protestant
Status: Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Shot by sniper while at Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) Vehicle Check Point (VCP), Inniscarn Road, Creggan, Derry.

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21 March 1996


Thomas Sheppard,   (41)

Protestant
Status: Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF),

Killed by: Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF)
Shot, while in Towers Tavern, Ballee, Ballymena, County Antrim. Internal Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) dispute.

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Donegall Street Bombing – 20th March 1972

 Donegall Street Bombing

20th March 1972 

The Donegall Street bombing took place in Belfast, Northern Ireland on 20 March 1972 when the Provisional IRA detonated a massive car bomb in Lower Donegall Street in the city centre just before noon when the street was crowded with shoppers, office workers, and many schoolchildren.

Seven people were killed in the explosion, including two members of the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC), who said they had evacuated people to what was considered to have been a safe area following misleading telephone calls, which had originally placed the device in a nearby street. They asserted that when the last call finally identified Donegall Street as the site of the bomb, there wasn’t enough time to clear the street. The Provisional IRA Belfast Brigade admitted responsibility for the bomb, which also injured 148 people, but claimed that the security forces had deliberately misrepresented the warnings in order to maximise the casualties. This was one of the first car bombs the IRA used in their armed campaign

— Disclaimer –

The views and opinions expressed in this post/documentaries  are soley intended to educate and provide background information to those interested in the Troubles of Northern Ireland. They in no way reflect my own opinions and I take no responsibility for any inaccuracies or factual errors.

 

The Bombing

Warning telephone calls

On Monday 20 March 1972, at 11.45 a.m., a local carpet dealer received a telephone call with a warning that a bomb would explode in Belfast city centre’s Church Street which was crowded with shoppers, office workers on lunch breaks, and schoolchildren.

British Army troops and the RUC were alerted and immediately began to evacuate the people into nearby Lower Donegall Street. The second call to the Irish News newspaper seven minutes later also gave Church Street as the location for the device. When a final call came at 11.55 advising the Unionist News Letter newspaper that the bomb was instead placed outside its offices in Lower Donegall Street to where the crowds were being sent, the warning arrived too late for the security forces to clear the street.

The staff working inside the News Letter were told by the caller that they had 15 minutes in which to leave the building, but they never had a chance to evacuate.

The explosion

The carbomb exploded outside The News Letter offices located at 55-59 Donegall Street

At 11.58 a.m. a 100 pounds (45 kg) gelignite bomb exploded inside a green Ford Cortina parked in the street outside the offices of the News Letter, shaking the city centre with the force of its blast, and instantly killing the two RUC constables, Ernest McAllister (31) and Bernard O’Neill (36), who had been examining the vehicle.

The remains of the two policemen’s bodies, which had been blown to pieces, were allegedly found inside a nearby building. Minutes earlier they had been helping to escort people away from Church Street.

The powerful explosion sent a ball of flame rolling down the street and a pall of black smoke rose upwards. The blast wave ripped into the crowds of people who had run into Donegall Street for safety, tossing them in all directions and killing another four men outright: three of them, Ernest Dougan (39), James Macklin (30) and Samuel Trainor (39) were corporation binmen working in the area, and the fourth man was Sydney Bell (65).

Trainor was also an off-duty Ulster Defence Regiment (UDR) soldier and a member of the Orange Order. A seriously wounded pensioner, Henry Miller (79) would die in hospital on 5 April. Most of the bodies of the dead were mutilated beyond recognition; one of the binmen lay in the road with his head shattered. With the exception of Constable O’Neill, who had been a Catholic, the other six victims were Protestants.

The explosion blew out all the windows in the vicinity, sending shards of glass into people’s faces and bodies as they were hit by falling masonry and timber; severed limbs were hurled into the road and into the mangled front of an office building. The ground floor of the News Letter offices and all buildings in the area suffered heavy damage. The News Letter library in particular sustained considerable damage with many priceless photographs and old documents destroyed.

Around the blast’s epicentre, the street resembled a battlefield. About one hundred schoolgirls lay wounded on the rubble-strewn, bloody pavement covered in glass and debris, and screaming in pain and fright. A total of 148 people were injured in the explosion, 19 of them seriously, including people who had lost eyes and were badly maimed.[9] Among the injured were many News Letter staff.

 

 

One of the wounded was a child whose injuries had been so severe that a rescue worker at the scene assumed the child had been killed. One young woman lost both legs; she was photographed by Derek Brind of the Associated Press as a British Paratrooper held her in his arms.

Passerby Frank Heagan witnessed the explosion and came upon what was left of two binmen who had been “blown to pieces”. He added that

“there was blood everywhere and people moaning and screaming. The street was full of girls and women all wandering around”.

 

The injured could be heard screaming as the ambulances transported them to hospital; emergency amputations were performed at the scene.

One policeman angrily denounced the attack by stating:

“This was a deliberate attempt to kill innocent people. The people who planted it must have known that people were being evacuated into its path”.

 

Whilst the security forces and firemen pulled victims from the debris in Donegall Street, two more bombs went off elsewhere in the city centre; however, nobody was hurt in either attack.

That same day in Derry, a British soldier, John Taylor was shot dead by an IRA sniper. In Dublin, the IRA’s Chief of Staff, Sean MacStiofain suffered burns to his face and hands after he had opened a letter bomb sent to him through the post. Cathal Goulding, head of the Official IRA also received a letter bomb but escaped injury by having dismantled the device before it exploded.

This was amongst the first carbombs that the Provisional IRA had used during The Troubles in its militant campaign to force a British military withdrawal and reunite the six counties of Northern Ireland with the rest of the island of Ireland.

It was part of the IRA’s escalation of violence to avenge the Bloody Sunday killings in which 13 unarmed Catholic civilian men were killed by the British Army’s Parachute Regiment when the latter opened fire during an anti-internment demonstration held in Derry on 30 January 1972.

 

Lower Donegall Street in 2007, looking south

Aftermath

 

The bombing had been carried out by a North Belfast unit of the Provisional IRA’s Third Battalion Belfast Brigade. The OC of the Brigade at that time was the volatile Seamus Twomey, who had ordered and directed the attack.

On 23 March, the IRA admitted responsibility for the bomb with one Belfast Brigade officer later telling a journalist

“I feel very bad when the innocent die”.

 

The IRA, however, tempered the admission by claiming that the caller had given Donegall Street as the correct location for the bomb in all the telephone calls and that the security forces had deliberately evacuated the crowds from Church Street to maximise the casualties.

The IRA’s official statement claiming responsibility for the blast was released through the Irish Republican Publicity Bureau. It read as follows:

“Proper and adequate warnings have been given before all our operations. This practice will continue. Several warnings have been changed by the British security forces in order to cause maximum civilian casualties. ‘This was the principal factor for the tragic loss of life and heavy civilian casualties in Donegall Street on Monday last'”.

 

Tim Pat Coogan suggested that the IRA had overestimated the security forces’ capacity to deal with multiple bomb scares, adding that in all probability, the caller had been young, nervous, and inexperienced.

It was also alleged that the bombers had intended to leave the carbomb in Church Street but were unable to find a parking place and instead left it in Donegall Street.

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Victims

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20 March 1972


Ernest McAllister,   (31)

Protestant
Status: Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Killed in car bomb explosion, Donegall Street, Belfast. Inadequate warning given.

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20 March 1972


Bernard O’Neill,  (36)

Catholic
Status: Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Killed in car bomb explosion, Donegall Street, Belfast. Inadequate warning given

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20 March 1972
Ernest Dougan,   (39)

Protestant
Status: Civilian (Civ),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Killed in car bomb explosion, Donegall Street, Belfast. Inadequate warning given

 —————————————————————————

20 March 1972
Samuel Trainor,  (39)

Protestant
Status: Ulster Defence Regiment (UDR),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Off duty. Killed in car bomb explosion, Donegall Street, Belfast. Inadequate warning given.

 —————————————————————————

20 March 1972
James Macklin,   (30)

Protestant
Status: Civilian (Civ),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Killed in car bomb explosion, Donegall Street, Belfast. Inadequate warning given.

 —————————————————————————

20 March 1972
Sydney Bell,   (65)

Protestant
Status: Civilian (Civ),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Killed in car bomb explosion, Donegall Street, Belfast. Inadequate warning given

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20 March 1972
Henry Miller,   (79)

Protestant
Status: Civilian (Civ),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Injured in car bomb explosion, Donegall Street, Belfast. Inadequate warning given. He died 5 April 1972

 —————————————————————————

The attack was condemned by church leaders in Ireland of all denominations. The Official IRA issued a statement disassociating itself from the bombing which it “condemned in the strongest possible terms”.

Two days prior to the bombing, William Craig, founder and leader of the Unionist Vanguard movement, had held a rally at Belfast’s Ormeau Park attended by 100,000 loyalists where he had made the following speech that struck fear in many people from the Catholic community:

“We [Ulster Vanguard] must build up a dossier of the men and women who are a menace to this country. Because if and when the politicians fail us, it may be our job to liquidate the enemy”.

 

The next day, 30,000 Catholics paraded through Belfast to Ormeau Park where they held their own rally in protest at Craig’s threatening speech. Republican Labour Party leader Paddy Kennedy promised that any Protestant backlash against Catholics:

“would be met by a counter-backlash by the Irish people”.

According to Ed Moloney, the bombing had been considered a disaster for the IRA. Coming so soon after the horrific Abercorn Restaurant bombing which had killed two young Catholic women and maimed many others, the Donegall Street bombing caused them to lose considerable support from the Catholic and Nationalist community who recoiled from the carnage the bombing had wrought.

The IRA followed the Donegall Street attack two days later with a carbomb at a carpark adjacent to Great Victoria Street railway station and close to the Europa Hotel. Although seventy people were treated in hospital for injuries received mainly by flying glass, there were no deaths. The blast caused considerable damage to two trains, parked vehicles, the hotel, and other buildings in the area.

On 24 March, to the profound shock and anger of loyalists and Unionists, British Prime Minister Edward Heath announced the suspension of the 50-year-old Stormont parliament and the imposition of Direct Rule from London. 

The Donegall Street bombing led to the closure of traffic in the Royal Avenue shopping district and the erection of security gates which put a “ring of steel” around Belfast city centre.

Although many members of IRA Active Service Units were rounded up by police in the wake of the attack, none of the bombers were ever caught nor was anybody ever charged in connection with the bombing.

In her 1973 book To Take Arms: My Life With the IRA Provisionals, former IRA member Maria McGuire described her sentiments following the Donegall Street bombing,

“I admit at the time I did not connect with the people who were killed or injured in such explosions. I always judged such deaths in terms of the effect they would have on our support – and I felt that this in turn depended on how many people accepted our explanation”.

20th March – Deaths & Events in Northern Ireland Troubles

Key Events & Deaths on this day in Northern Ireland Troubles

20th March

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Monday 20 March 1972

Donegall st bomb.jpg

The Irish Republican Army (IRA) exploded a car-bomb in Lower Donegall Street, Belfast bomb, which killed 6 people, mortally wounded one person who died on 5 April, and injured approximately 100 others.

Two of those killed were Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) officers who were trying to evacuate people from the area. Another of those killed was a member of the Ulster Defence Regiment (UDR) and the rest were Protestant civilians.

See Donegal Street Bombing

Tuesday 20 March 1973

A government White Paper entitled ‘Northern Ireland Constitutional Proposals‘ was published which proposed a devolved power-sharing 78 member assembly in Northern Ireland and a Council of Ireland.

The election would take place under Proportional Representation (PR) and Westminster would retain the powers relating to law and order matters. These proposals followed on from a discussion paper that had been issued on 30 October 1972 entitled ‘The Future of Northern Ireland’.

[There was an element in Unionist political opinion which was opposed to the idea of power-sharing and still favoured majority rule as the only basis for government. However, the idea of close links with the Republic of Ireland through the proposed Council of Ireland was one which would prove problematic to many Unionists.]

Wednesday 20 March 1974

Two British soldiers were shot dead by mistake by the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) at Mowhan, near Markethill, County Armagh.

The soldiers were believed to be part of an undercover operation but this was denied by Merlyn Rees, then Secretary of Sate for Northern Ireland.

Friday 20 March 1981

Patrick McNally (20), a Catholic civilian, was shot dead by the Ulster Defence Regiment (UDR), while he was ‘joy riding’ in a stolen car on the Ross Road in the Lower Falls Road area of Belfast. [ 1981 Hunger Strike.]

Monday 20 March 1989

Harry Breen

Harry Breen, who was then a Chief Superintendent of the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC), and Ken Buchanan, who was then a Superintendent, were both killed in an Irish Republican Army (IRA) ambush as they crossed the border in South Armagh.

 

Friday 20 March 1992

John Hume, then leader of the Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP), and Gerry Adams, then President of Sinn Féin (SF), took part in a debate on BBC radio.

Saturday 20 March 1993

Warrington Bombs

The Irish Republican Army (IRA) exploded two small bombs in litter bins in Bridge Street, Warrington, England, killing Johnathan Ball aged 3 years and mortally wounding Timothy Parrry aged 12 years who died on 25 March 1993.

[The IRA had provided inadequate warnings which resulted in the deaths and the 56 injuries. The killings of the two boys led to public protests in England and in the Republic of Ireland against paramilitary violence. The killings also led to the establishment of Initiative ’93.]

See Warrington Bomb

Sunday 20 March 1994

The Irish Republican Army (IRA) fired a mortar at a British Army (BA) base in Crossmaglen, south Armagh, causing an army helicopter to crash.

Monday 20 March 1995

James Kilfedder, the Ulster Popular Unionist Party (UPUP) MP, died while in London.

[His death led to a Westminster by-election on 15 June 1995 in the North Down constituency.]

Wednesday 20 March 1996

Dick Spring, then Tánaiste (deputy Irish Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs), had a briefing with Patrick Mayhew, then Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, on plans for elections in Northern Ireland. Dick Spring refused to publicly support the plans.

Thursday 20 March 1997

It was announced on behalf of Roisín McAliskey, then being held in prison awaiting a decision about extradition, that she would stand as a ‘unity candidate’ in Mid-Ulster in the general election.

[On 23 March 1997 McAliskey’s name was withdrawn as neither Sinn Féin (SF) nor the Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP) were prepared to stand down.]

Friday 20 March 1998

The centre of Derry was cleared for four hours while the British Army defused a bomb.

[It was claimed that a Republican challenged two Continuity Irish Republican Army (CIRA) members as they planted the bomb in the Northern Bank in Guildhall Square, Derry.

It was also claimed that one of the CIRA men pulled out a gun to stop anyone interfering with them.]

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Resurrection Man

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The film Resurrection Man went on general release in Northern Ireland. The film was based on the killings carried out by of the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) ‘Shankill Butchers’ gang.

[There was a mixed response to the film, some people accused the film-makers of dredging up painful memories for the relatives of those killed while others felt that the events were a legitimate subject for the cinema.]

Saturday 20 March 1999

A 13 year-old boy was badly injured in a Loyalist paramilitary ‘punishment’ attack by a gang of masked men in Newtownards, County Down.

The boy who received a broken arm and broken fingers was ordered to leave the area by the gang.

[The boy was one of the youngest people to be the subject of a ‘punishment’ attack.]

In a speech to the Annual General Meeting of the Ulster Unionist Council (UUC), David Trimble, then leader of the Ulster Unionist Party (UUP), assured delegates that there would be Irish Republican Army (IRA) decommissioning.

Trimble was heckled during his speech.

His supporters dominated the election to the vice presidents’ positions, but three of the four honorary secretaries elected were supporters of the dissident Union First group.

Jim Nicholson, then UUP MEP, narrowly won the backing of delegates to continue as the UUP vice-president. Nicholson had earlier admitted that he had had an extra-marital affair.

Gerry Adams, then President of Sinn Féin (SF), was also guardedly optimistic, saying that SF would try to find “some accommodation”.

The funeral procession of Frankie Curry, a prominent dissident member of the Red Hand Commando (RHC) who had been shot dead on 17 March 1999, passed down the Shankill Road in Belfast and was watched by hundreds of people.

 

 

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Remembering all innocent victims of the Troubles

Today is the anniversary of the death of the following people killed as a results of the conflict in Northern Ireland

“To live in hearts we leave behind is not to die

– Thomas Campbell

To the innocent on the list – Your memory will live  forever

– To  the Paramilitaries  –

There are many things worth living for, a few things worth dying for, but nothing worth killing for.

17  People   lost their lives on the 20th March between 1972– 1993

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20 March 1972


Ernest McAllister,   (31)

Protestant
Status: Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Killed in car bomb explosion, Donegall Street, Belfast. Inadequate warning given.

See Donegal Street Bombing

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20 March 1972


Bernard O’Neill,  (36)

Catholic
Status: Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Killed in car bomb explosion, Donegall Street, Belfast. Inadequate warning given

See Donegal Street Bombing

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20 March 1972
Ernest Dougan,   (39)

Protestant
Status: Civilian (Civ),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Killed in car bomb explosion, Donegall Street, Belfast. Inadequate warning given

See Donegal Street Bombing

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20 March 1972
Samuel Trainor,  (39)

Protestant
Status: Ulster Defence Regiment (UDR),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Off duty. Killed in car bomb explosion, Donegall Street, Belfast. Inadequate warning given.

See Donegal Street Bombing

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20 March 1972
James Macklin,   (30)

Protestant
Status: Civilian (Civ),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Killed in car bomb explosion, Donegall Street, Belfast. Inadequate warning given.

See Donegal Street Bombing

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20 March 1972
Sydney Bell,   (65)

Protestant
Status: Civilian (Civ),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Killed in car bomb explosion, Donegall Street, Belfast. Inadequate warning given

See Donegal Street Bombing

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20 March 1972
Henry Miller,   (79)

Protestant
Status: Civilian (Civ),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Injured in car bomb explosion, Donegall Street, Belfast. Inadequate warning given. He died 5 April 1972

See Donegal Street Bombing

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20 March 1972
John Taylor,  (19)

nfNI
Status: British Army (BA),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Shot by sniper while on British Army (BA) foot patrol, William Street, Derry.

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20 March 1973
Bernard McErlean,  (16)

Catholic
Status: Civilian (Civ),

Killed by: non-specific Loyalist group (LOY)
Shot from passing car while walking along Grosvenor Road, Belfast.

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20 March 1974
Michael Herbert,  (31)

nfNI
Status: British Army (BA),

Killed by: Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC)
Shot, in error, while sitting in stationary British Army (BA) civilian type van, Mowhan, near Markethill, County Armagh.

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20 March 1974
Michael Cotton,  (36)

nfNI
Status: British Army (BA),

Killed by: Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC)
Shot, in error, while sitting in stationary British Army (BA) civilian type van, Mowhan, near Markethill, County Armagh.

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20 March 1981
Patrick McNally,   (20)

Catholic
Status: Civilian (Civ),

Killed by: Ulster Defence Regiment (UDR)
Shot while travelling in stolen car, Ross Road, Lower Falls, Belfast

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20 March 1989


Robert Buchanan,   (55)

Protestant
Status: Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Shot while travelling in Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) armoured patrol car, Edenappa, near Jonesborough, County Armagh.

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20 March 1989


Harry Breen,   (51)

Protestant
Status: Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Shot while travelling in Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) armoured patrol car, Edenappa, near Jonesborough, County Armagh.

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20 March 1990


William McClure,   (44)

Protestant
Status: Civilian (Civ),

Killed by: Irish People’s Liberation Organisation (IPLO)
Shot at his home, Skegoneill Avenue, Skegoneill, Belfast.

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20 March 1993


Jonathan Ball,   (3)

nfNIB
Status: Civilian (Civ),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Killed when two bombs placed in litter bins exploded, Bridge Street, Warrington, England. Inadequate warning given.

See Warrington Bombs

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20 March 1993


Timothy Parry,  (12)

nfNIB
Status: Civilian (Civ),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Injured when two bombs placed in litter bins exploded, Bridge Street, Warrington, England. Inadequate warning given. He died 25 March 1993.

See Warrington Bombs

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Warrington Bombs 1993 – IRA Child Killers

 Warrington Bombs

February & March 1993

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Warrington Bombing

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Tim Parry

The Warrington bombings were two separate bomb attacks that took place during early 1993 in Warrington, England. The first attack happened on 26 February, when a bomb exploded at a gas storage facility. It caused extensive damage but no injuries. While fleeing the scene, the bombers shot and injured a police officer and two of them were then caught after a high-speed car chase.

The second attack happened on 20 March, when two small bombs exploded in litter bins outside shops and businesses on Bridge Street.

Two children were killed and dozens of people were injured.

 

Johnathan Ball

 

The attacks were carried out by the Provisional Irish Republican Army (IRA) and it has been claimed that members of Red Action were also involved.[2] Since the early 1970s the IRA had been carrying out attacks in both Northern Ireland and England with the stated goal of putting pressure on the British Government to withdraw from Northern Ireland.

The 20 March bombing received extensive coverage in the media and caused widespread anger, leading to mass protests against the IRA in Dublin.

First attack

 

On the night of 25 February 1993, three IRA members planted bombs at the gas holders on Winwick Road, Warrington. At 11:45 pm that night a police officer stopped the three men in a van on Sankey Street. As he was questioning them, the IRA members shot him three times and sped off in the van.

About an hour later they hijacked a car in Lymm, put the driver in the boot and drove off towards Manchester. At about 1 am police spotted the car and chased it along the M62 motorway in the direction of Warrington. Shots were fired during the high-speed chase and two police vehicles were hit. Police stopped the car on the motorway near Croft and arrested two of the IRA members: Páidric MacFhloinn (age 40) and Denis Kinsella (age 25).

The third member, Michael Timmins, escaped.At 4:10 am on 26 February the bombs exploded at the gas holders, sending a fireball 1,000 feet (300 m) into the sky and causing extensive damage to the facility. The emergency services arrived and evacuated about 100 people from their homes. There was much disruption to transport that morning as police set up roadblocks and trains were diverted away from Warrington. 

In 1994, MacFhloinn was sentenced to 35 years in prison and Kinsella to 25 years for their part in the bombing. John Kinsella (age 49) was sentenced to 20 years for possessing Semtex explosives that he had hidden for the IRA unit.

 

Second Attack

 

 

Site of the second bombing

 

Johnathan Ball

 

Shortly before midday on 20 March 1993, The Samaritans in Liverpool received a bomb warning by telephone. According to police, the caller said only that a bomb had been planted outside a Boots shop. Merseyside Police sent officers to branches of Boots in Liverpool and warned the Cheshire Constabulary, who patrolled nearby Warrington.

About 30 minutes later, at about 12:25,  two bombs exploded on Bridge Street in Warrington, about 100 yards (91 m) apart. The blasts happened within a minute of each other. One exploded outside Boots and McDonald’s, and one outside the Argos catalogue store.

The area was crowded with shoppers. Witnesses said that:

“the first explosion drove panicking shoppers into the path of the next blast just seconds later”.

 

It was later found that the bombs had been placed inside cast-iron litter bins, causing large amounts of shrapnel Buses were organized to ferry people away from the scene and 20 paramedics and crews from 17 ambulances were sent to deal with the aftermath.

 

 

Three-year-old Johnathan Ball died at the scene. He had been in town with his babysitter, they had been shopping for a Mother’s Day card. The second victim, 12-year-old Tim Parry, received the full force of the blast and was gravely wounded. He died on 25 March 1993 when doctors switched his life support machine off, having asked permission to do so from his family, after tests had found minimal brain activity.

Fifty-four other people were injured, four of them seriously.

The Provisional IRA issued a statement the day after the bombing, acknowledging its involvement but saying:

Responsibility for the tragic and deeply regrettable death and injuries caused in Warrington yesterday lies squarely at the door of those in the British authorities who deliberately failed to act on precise and adequate warnings.

A day later, an IRA spokesman said that “two precise warnings” had been given “in adequate time”, one to the Samaritans and one to Merseyside Police.

He added: “You don’t provide warnings if it is your intention to kill”.

Cheshire’s assistant chief constable denied there had been a second warning and said:

Yes, a warning was given half-an-hour before, but no mention was made of Warrington. If the IRA think they can pass on their responsibility for this terrible act by issuing such a nonsensical statement, they have sadly underestimated the understanding of the British public.

A piece on BBC North West’s Inside Out programme in September 2013 speculated that the bombing may have been the work of a “rogue” IRA unit, which was supported by the IRA but operated independently and was driven by left wing extremism and who used operatives who were from England to avoid suspicion.

The programe  suggested, but provided no evidence, that those who planted the bombs were members of the leftist group Red Action.

Aftermath

 

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IRA Child Killers

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The fact “that two very young children were victims — one of whom fought for his life for several days” ensured that the 20 March bombings received:

“massive coverage” in the media and caused “widespread anger and revulsion”.

 

Shortly after the bombings, a group called “Peace ’93” was set up in Dublin. The main organizer was Susan McHugh, a Dublin housewife and mother. On 25 March 1993, thousands held a “peace rally” in Dublin. They signed a condolence book outside the General Post Office and laid bouquets and wreaths, with messages of sorrow and apology, to be taken to Warrington for the boys’ funerals.

However, some criticized Peace ’93 for focusing only on IRA violence and for:

“the lack of response to the deaths of children in Northern Ireland”.

 

 

On 24 March 1993, the Ulster Defence Association (UDA) shot dead a Sinn Féin member in Belfast. The next day, it shot dead four Catholic men (including an IRA member) in Castlerock and hours later shot dead a 17-year-old Catholic civilian in Belfast.

Roy Greenslade wrote that, compared to the Warrington bombings, these deaths were “virtually ignored” by the media in Great Britain and he accused it of having a “hierarchy” of victims.

On 1 April 1993, the Irish Government announced measures designed to make extradition easier from the Republic of Ireland to the UK.

In 1994 Irish rock band The Cranberries released the song “Zombie“, which was written in protest at the bombings. The song went on to become one of their biggest hits.

Image result for Colin Parry carries his sons coffin

Colin Parry carries his sons coffin

The parents of Tim Parry set up the Tim Parry Trust Fund to promote greater understanding between Great Britain and Ireland The Tim Parry-Johnathan Ball Foundation for Peace worked jointly with the NSPCC to develop The Peace Centre, situated close to Warrington town centre, which was opened on the seventh anniversary of the attack in 2000. Its purpose is to promote peace and understanding amongst all communities affected by conflict and violence. The centre hosts an annual peace lecture, as well as being home to the local NSPCC and Warrington Youth Club.

The killing of Ball and Parry is still on Cheshire Police’s list of unsolved homicides

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The Tim Parry Johnathan Ball Foundation for Peace is a charity that campaigns only for one thing … Peace

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Who We Work With

Working to prevent conflict with people vulnerable to it, affected by it and those professionals who are tasked to deal with it

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Visit the website: www. foundation4peace.org

See: Castlerock Killings

19th March – Deaths & Events in Northern Ireland Troubles

Key Events & Deaths on this day in Northern Ireland Troubles

19th March

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Thursday 19 March 1981

See 1981 Hunger Strike

Wednesday 19 March 1986

Richard Needham, then a Northern Ireland Office (NIO) Minsiter, announced that the Department of the Environment would take over the function of setting the ‘rates’ (local government tax) in the 18 district councils that were refusing to do so. The councils were protesting against the Anglo-Irish Agreement (AIA).

Saturday 19 March 1988

Army Corporals Killed

corporal killings

During the funeral of Kevin Brady, killed at Milltown Cemetery (16 March 1988), a car approached the funeral procession at high speed. It was claimed by some present that they feared another attack by Loyalist gunmen. The car’s passage was blocked and a group of the mourners attacked the two passengers.

The two men in the car were later identified as corporals Derek Wood and David Howes of the British Army. One of the soldiers fired a warning shot but both were beaten and overpowered. The two soldiers were driven to waste ground and shot dead. Part of this incident was also recorded on television news cameras.

See Corporal Killings

[The presence of the two soldiers in plain clothes in a republican district of Belfast was never adequately explained.]

Wednesday 19 March 1997

Orange Order Halls in Ballymena and Bellaghy were damaged in arson attacks.

The Belfast Walkers Club of the Apprentice Boys of Derry (ABD) announced that they would voluntarily reroute their Easter Monday parade away from the lower Ormeau area of Belfast.

Friday 19 March 1999

Ronnie Flanagan, then Chief Constable of the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC), asked John Stevens, then Metropolitan Police Deputy Commissioner, to examine a report written by British-Irish Rights Watch, a human rights group based in London, on the 1989 killing of Pat Finucane. The report claimed to contain new evidence about the killing

 

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Remembering all innocent victims of the Troubles

Today is the anniversary of the death of the following people killed as a results of the conflict in Northern Ireland

“To live in hearts we leave behind is not to die

– Thomas Campbell

To the innocent on the list – Your memory will live  forever

– To  the Paramilitaries  –

There are many things worth living for, a few things worth dying for, but nothing worth killing for.

7  People   lost their lives on the 19th  March between 1973– 1989

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19 March 1973
Robert Collins,   (18)

Protestant
Status: Civilian (Civ),

Killed by: non-specific Republican group (REP)
Died two days after found shot, Brompton Park, Ardoyne, Belfast.

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19 March 1974


Frederick Robinson,  (40)

Protestant
Status: Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Off duty. Killed by booby trap bomb attached to his car outside his home, Glenkeen Avenue, Greenisland, County Antrim.

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19 March 1979
Peter Woolmore,   (21)

nfNI
Status: British Army (BA),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Killed in mortar bomb attack on Newtownhamilton British Army (BA) base, County Armagh

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19 March 1981
Gerry Rowland,  (40)

Catholic
Status: Civilian (Civ),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Shot by sniper while travelling in car with off duty Ulster Defence Regiment member, near Crossmaglen, County Armagh.

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19 March 1988


Derek Wood,  (24)

nfNI
Status: British Army (BA),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Undercover British Army (BA) member. Found shot, shortly after being abducted at the funeral of Irish Republican Army (IRA) member Caoimhin MacBradaigh, on waste ground off Andersonstown Road, Belfast.

See Corporal Killings

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19 March 1988


Robert Howes,   (23)

nfNI
Status: British Army (BA),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Undercover British Army (BA) member. Found shot, shortly after being abducted at the funeral of Irish Republican Army (IRA) member Caoimhin MacBradaigh, on waste ground off Andersonstown Road, Belfast.

See Corporal Killings

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19 March 1989


David Braniff,   (63)

Catholic
Status: Civilian (Civ),

Killed by: Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF)
Shot at his home, Alliance Avenue, Ardoyne, Belfast.

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The Battle of the Boyne -What’s it all about?

 

The Battle of the Boyne 1690

King James II

 

The Battle of the Boyne (Irish: Cath na Bóinne IPA: [ˈkah n̪ˠə ˈbˠoːn̪ʲə]) was a battle in 1690 between the English King James II, and the Dutch Prince William of Orange, who, with his wife, Mary II (his cousin and James’ daughter), had overthrown James in England in 1688.

King Billy

 

 

The battle took place across the River Boyne near the town of Drogheda on the east coast of Ireland, and resulted in a victory for William. This turned the tide in James’s failed attempt to regain the British crown and ultimately aided in ensuring the continued Protestant ascendancy in Ireland.

The battle took place on 1 July 1690 in the old style (Julian) calendar. This was equivalent to 11 July in the new style (Gregorian) calendar, although today its commemoration is held on 12 July,[1] on which the decisive Battle of Aughrim was fought a year later. William’s forces defeated James’s army, which consisted mostly of raw recruits. The symbolic importance of this battle has made it one of the best-known battles in the history of the British Isles and a key part of the folklore of the Orange Order. Its commemoration today is principally by the Protestant Orange Institution.

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Battle of  Boyne

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Battle of the Boyne
Part of the Williamite War in Ireland
BattleOfBoyne.png
Painting of the battle by Jan Wyck c. 1693
Date 1 July 1690 O.S.[A]
Location Oldbridge, County Meath, Ireland
Result Williamite victory
Belligerents
Jacobite forces
 France
Williamite forces
 Dutch Republic
Commanders and leaders
James VII and II
Earl of Tyrconnell
Duc de Lauzun
William III
Duke of Schomberg 
Strength
23,500 36,000
Casualties and losses
~1,500 casualties ~750 casualties

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Background

The battle was the decisive encounter in a war that was primarily about James’s attempt to regain the thrones of England and Scotland, resulting from the Invitation to William and William’s wife, Mary, to take the throne. It is regarded as a crucial moment in the struggle between Irish Protestant and Catholic interests.

Duke of Scomberg

 

 

The previous year William had sent the Duke of Schomberg to take charge of the Irish campaign. He was a 75-year-old professional soldier who had accompanied William during the Glorious Revolution. Under his command, affairs had remained static and very little had been accomplished, partly because the English troops, unaccustomed to the climate,[citation needed] suffered severely from fever. William, dissatisfied with the state of affairs in Ireland, decided to take charge in person.

In an Irish context, the war was a sectarian and ethnic conflict, in many ways a re-run of the Irish Confederate Wars of 50 years earlier. For the Jacobites, the war was fought for Irish sovereignty, religious tolerance for Catholicism, and land ownership. The Catholic upper classes had lost almost all their lands after Cromwell’s conquest, as well as the right to hold public office, practice their religion, and sit in the Irish Parliament. They saw the Catholic King James as a means of redressing these grievances and securing the autonomy of Ireland from England. To these ends, under Richard Talbot, 1st Earl of Tyrconnel, they had raised an army to restore James after the Glorious Revolution. By 1690, they controlled all of Ireland except for the province of Ulster. Most of James II’s troops at the Boyne were Irish Catholics.

The majority of Irish people were Jacobites and supported James II due to his 1687 Declaration of Indulgence or, as it is also known, the Declaration for the Liberty of Conscience, that granted religious freedom to all denominations in England and Scotland and also due to James II’s promise to the Irish Parliament of an eventual right to self-determination.[2][3]

Conversely, for the Williamites, the war was about maintaining Protestant and English rule in Ireland. They feared for their lives and their property if James and his Catholic supporters were to rule Ireland, nor did they trust the promise of tolerance, seeing the Declaration of Indulgence as a ploy to re-establish Catholicism as the sole state religion. In particular, they dreaded a repeat of the Irish Rebellion of 1641, which had been marked by widespread killing. For these reasons, Protestants fought en masse for William of Orange. Many Williamite troops at the Boyne, including their very effective irregular cavalry, were Ulster Protestants, who called themselves “Inniskillingers” and were referred to by contemporaries as “Scots-Irish“.

Ironically, historian Derek Brown notes that if the battle is seen as part of the War of the Grand Alliance, Pope Alexander VIII was an ally of William and an enemy to James; the Papal States were part of the Grand Alliance with a shared hostility to the Catholic Louis XIV of France, who at the time was attempting to establish dominance in Europe and to whom James was an ally.[4]

Commanders

The opposing armies in the battle were led by the Roman Catholic King James II of England, Scotland, and Ireland and opposing him, his nephew and son-in-law, the Protestant King William III (“William of Orange”) who had deposed James the previous year. James’s supporters controlled much of Ireland and the Irish Parliament. James also enjoyed the support of his cousin, Louis XIV, who did not want to see a hostile monarch on the throne of England. Louis sent 6,000 French troops to Ireland to support the Irish Jacobites. William was already Stadtholder of the Netherlands and was able to call on Dutch and allied troops from Europe as well as England and Scotland.

James was a seasoned officer who had proven his bravery when fighting for his brother – King Charles II – in Europe, notably at the Battle of the Dunes (1658). However, recent historians have noted that he was prone to panicking under pressure and making rash decisions, possibly due to the onset of the dementia which would overtake him completely in later years. William, although a seasoned commander, was hardly one of history’s great generals and had yet to win a major battle.

Many of his battles ended in stalemates, prompting at least one modern historian to argue that William lacked an ability to manage armies in the thick of conflict. William’s success against the French had been reliant upon tactical manoeuvres and good diplomacy rather than force. His diplomacy had assembled the League of Augsburg, a multi-national coalition formed to resist French aggression in Europe. From William’s point of view, his takeover of power in England and the ensuing campaign in Ireland was just another front in the war against King Louis XIV.

James II’s subordinate commanders were Richard Talbot, 1st Earl of Tyrconnell, who was Lord Deputy of Ireland and James’s most powerful supporter in Ireland; and the French general Lauzun. William’s second-in-command was the Duke of Schomberg. Born in Heidelberg, Germany, Schomberg had formerly been a Marshal of France, but, being a Huguenot, was compelled to leave France in 1685 because of the revocation of the Edict of Nantes.

Armies

Williamite Army

 

 

The Williamite army at the Boyne was about 36,000 strong, composed of troops from many countries. Around 20,000 troops had been in Ireland since 1689, commanded by Schomberg. William himself arrived with another 16,000 in June 1690. William’s troops were generally far better trained and equipped than James’s. The best Williamite infantry were from Denmark and the Netherlands, professional soldiers equipped with the latest flintlock muskets. There was also a large contingent of French Huguenot troops fighting with the Williamites. William did not have a high opinion of his English and Scottish troops, with the exception of the Ulster Protestant irregulars who had held Ulster in the previous year. The English and Scottish troops were felt to be politically unreliable, since James had been their legitimate monarch up to a year before. Moreover, they had only been raised recently and had seen little battle action.

Jacobite Army

 

 

The Jacobites were 23,500 strong. James had several regiments of French troops, but most of his manpower was provided by Irish Catholics. The Jacobites’ Irish cavalry, who were recruited from among the dispossessed Irish gentry, proved themselves to be high calibre troops during the course of the battle. However, the Irish infantry, predominantly peasants who had been pressed into service, were not trained soldiers. They had been hastily trained, poorly equipped, and only a minority of them had functional muskets. In fact, some of them carried only farm implements such as scythes at the Boyne. On top of that, the Jacobite infantry who actually had firearms were all equipped with the obsolete matchlock musket.

The battle

Battle of the Boyne between James II and William III, 11 July 1690, Jan van Huchtenburg.

William had landed in Carrickfergus in Ulster on 14 June 1690 and marched south to take Dublin. He was heard to remark that ‘the place was worth fighting for’. James chose to place his line of defense on the River Boyne, around 30 miles (48 km) from Dublin. The Williamites reached the Boyne on 29 June. The day before the battle, William himself had a narrow escape when he was wounded in the shoulder by Jacobite artillery while surveying the fords over which his troops would cross the Boyne.

The battle itself was fought on 1 July OS (11th NS), for control of a ford on the Boyne near Drogheda, about 2.5 kilometres (1.6 mi) northwest of the hamlet of Oldbridge (and about 1.5 kilometres (0.9 mi) west-northwest of the modern Boyne River Bridge). William sent about a quarter of his men to cross the river at Roughgrange, about 4 kilometres (2.5 mi) west of Donore and about 6 miles (9.7 km) southwest of Oldbridge. The Duke of Schomberg’s son, Meinhardt, led this crossing, which Irish dragoons in picquet under Neil O’Neill unsuccessfully opposed. James, an inexperienced general, thought that he might be outflanked and sent half his troops, along with most of his artillery, to counter this move. What neither side had realised was that there was a deep, swampy ravine at Roughgrange. Because of this ravine, the opposing forces there could not engage each other, but literally sat out the battle. The Williamite forces went on a long detour march which, later in the day, almost saw them cut off the Jacobite retreat at the village of Naul.

At the main ford near Oldbridge, William’s infantry, led by the elite Dutch Blue Guards, forced their way across the river, using their superior firepower to slowly drive back the enemy foot soldiers, but were pinned down when the Jacobite cavalry counter-attacked. Having secured the village of Oldbridge, some Williamite infantry tried to hold off successive cavalry attacks with disciplined volley fire, but were scattered and driven into the river, with the exception of the Blue Guards. William’s second-in-command, the Duke of Schomberg, and George Walker were killed in this phase of the battle. The Williamites were not able to resume their advance until their own horsemen managed to cross the river and, after being badly mauled, managed to hold off the Jacobite cavalry until they retired and regrouped at Donore, where they once again put up stiff resistance before retiring.

The Jacobites retired in good order. William had a chance to trap them as they retreated across the River Nanny at Duleek, but his troops were held up by a successful rear-guard action. The Dutch secretary of King William, Constantijn Huygens Jr., has given a good description (in Dutch) of the battle and its aftermath, including subsequent cruelties committed by the victorious soldiers.[5]

The casualty figures of the battle were quite low for a battle of such a scale—of the 50,000 or so participants, about 2,000 died. Three-quarters of the dead were Jacobites. William’s army had far more wounded. At the time, most casualties of battles tended to be inflicted in the pursuit of an already-beaten enemy; this did not happen at the Boyne, as the counter-attacks of the skilled Jacobite cavalry screened the retreat of the rest of their army, and in addition William was always disinclined to endanger the person of James, since he was the father of his wife, Mary. The Jacobites were badly demoralised by the order to retreat, which lost them the battle. Many of the Irish infantrymen deserted. The Williamites triumphantly marched into Dublin two days after the battle. The Jacobite army abandoned the city and marched to Limerick, behind the River Shannon, where they were unsuccessfully besieged.

Soon after the battle William issued the Declaration of Finglas, offering full pardons to ordinary Jacobite soldiers but not to their leaders. After his defeat, James did not stay in Dublin, but rode with a small escort to Duncannon and returned to exile in France, even though his army left the field relatively unscathed. James’s loss of nerve and speedy exit from the battlefield enraged his Irish supporters, who fought on until the Treaty of Limerick in 1691; he was derisively nicknamed Seamus a’ chaca (“James the shit”) in Irish.

There is an oral tradition stating that no battle took place at all, that a symbolic victory was shown by the crossing of the River Boyne and that the total fatalities were a result of Williamite cavalry attacking the local able-bodied men.

It is well documented that Williams’ horse on that day was black, despite all Orange Order murals depicting it as white with William holding his sword between the horse’s ears to make it resemble a unicorn as a symbol of his “Saviour” status. Depictions of William have been strongly influenced by Benjamin West‘s 1778 painting The Battle of the Boyne.

Aftermath

The battle was overshadowed by the defeat of an Anglo-Dutch fleet by the French two days later at the Battle of Beachy Head, a far more serious event in the short term; only on the continent was the Boyne treated as an important victory. Its importance lay in the fact that it was the first proper victory for the League of Augsburg, the first-ever alliance between the Vatican and Protestant countries. The victory motivated more nations to join the alliance and in effect ended the fear of a French conquest of Europe.

The Boyne also had strategic significance for both England and Ireland. It marked the end of James’s hope of regaining his throne by military means and probably assured the triumph of the Glorious Revolution. In Scotland, news of this defeat temporarily silenced the Highlanders supporting the Jacobite Rising, which Bonnie Dundee had led. In Ireland, the Boyne fully assured the Jacobites that they could successfully resist William. But it was a general victory for William, and is still celebrated by the Protestant Orange Order on the Twelfth of July. Ironically, due to the political situation mentioned above, the Pope also hailed the victory of William at the Boyne, ordered the bells of the Vatican to be rung in celebration.

Some Irish Catholics who were taken prisoner after the battle were tortured until they agreed to convert to Protestantism.[6]

The Treaty of Limerick was very generous to Catholics. It allowed most land owners to keep their land so long as they swore allegiance to William of Orange. It also said that James could take a certain number of his soldiers and go back to France. However, Protestants in England were annoyed with this kind treatment towards the Catholics, especially when they were gaining strength and money. Because of this, penal laws were introduced. These laws included banning Catholics from owning weapons, reducing their land, and prohibiting them from working in the legal profession.

Commemoration

 

River Boyne, west of Drogheda, today

View of the commemorative obelisk, prior to 1883. It was destroyed in 1923.

Medal Struck to Commemorate the Battle of the Boyne (Robert Chambers, p.8, July 1832)[7]

Originally, Irish Protestants commemorated the Battle of Aughrim on 12 July (old style, equivalent to 22 July new style), symbolising their victory in the Williamite war in Ireland. At Aughrim, which took place a year after the Boyne, the Jacobite army was destroyed, deciding the war in the Williamites’ favour. The Boyne, which, in the old Julian calendar, took place on 1 July, was treated as less important, third after Aughrim and the anniversary of the Irish Rebellion of 1641 on 23 October.

In 1752, the Gregorian calendar was adopted in Ireland, which erroneously placed the Boyne on 12 July instead of Aughrim (the correct equivalent date was 11 July, as the difference between the calendars for the year in question, 1690, was not 11 days but only 10 days). However, even after this date, “The Twelfth” still commemorated Aughrim.[clarification needed] But after the Orange Order was founded in 1795 amid sectarian violence in Armagh[further explanation needed], the focus of parades on 12 July switched to the Battle of the Boyne.[further explanation needed] Usually the dates before the introduction of the calendar on 14 September 1752 are mapped in English language histories directly onto the Julian dates without shifting them by 10 or 11 days.[8]

Being suspicious of anything with Papist connotations, however, rather than shift the anniversary of the Boyne to the new 1 July[clarification needed] or celebrate the new anniversary of Aughrim, the Orangemen continued to march on 12 July which was (erroneously) thought to have marked the battle of the Boyne in New Style dates.[clarification needed] Despite this, there are also smaller parades and demonstrations on 1 July, the date which maps the old style date of the Boyne to the new style in the usual manner and which also commemorate the heavy losses of the 36th (Ulster) Division on the first day of the Battle of the Somme in July 1916.[citation needed]

The memory of the battle also has resonance among Irish nationalists. In 1923, IRA members blew up a large monument to the battle on the battlefield site on the Boyne and destroyed a statue of William III in 1929 that stood outside Trinity College, Dublin in the centre of the Irish capital.[citation needed]

“The Twelfth” in Great Britain and Ireland today

Main article: The Twelfth
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Twelfth in Northern Ireland 2013 (BBC Documentary)
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The Battle of the Boyne remains a controversial topic today in Northern Ireland, where some Protestants remember it as the great victory over Catholics that resulted in the sovereignty of Parliament and the Protestant monarchy.

In recent decades, “The Twelfth” has often been marked by confrontations, as members of the Orange Order attempt to celebrate the date by marching past or through what they see as their traditional route. Some of these areas, however, now have a nationalist majority who object to marches passing through what they see as their areas.

Each side thus dresses up the disputes in terms of the other’s alleged attempts to repress them; Nationalists still see Orange Order marches as provocative attempts to “show who is boss”, whilst Unionists insist that they have a right to “walk the Queen’s highway”. Since the start of The Troubles, the celebrations of the battle have been seen as playing a critical role in the awareness of those involved in the unionist/nationalist tensions in Northern Ireland.

The battlefield today

The site of the Battle of the Boyne sprawls over a wide area west of the town of Drogheda. In the County Development Plan for 2000, Meath County Council rezoned the land at the eastern edge of Oldbridge, at the site of the main Williamite crossing, to residential status. A subsequent planning application for a development of over 700 houses was granted by Meath County Council and this was appealed by local historians to An Bord Pleanala (The Planning Board). In March 2008 after an extremely long appeal process, An Bord Pleanala approved permission for this development to proceed. However, due to the current economic climate in Ireland, no work has yet started on this development.

The current Interpretive Centre dedicated to informing tourists and other visitors about the battle is about 1-mile (1.6 km) to the west of the main crossing point. This facility was redeveloped in 2008 and is now open for tourists. The battle’s other main combat areas (at Duleek, Donore and Plattin – along the Jacobite line of retreat) are marked with tourist information signs.

On 4 April 2007 in a sign of improving relations between unionist and nationalist groups, the newly elected First Minister of Northern Ireland, the Reverend Ian Paisley, was invited to visit the battle site by the Taoiseach (Prime Minister) Bertie Ahern later in the year. Following the invitation, Paisley commented that “such a visit would help to demonstrate how far we have come when we can celebrate and learn from the past so the next generation more clearly understands”. On 10 May the visit took place, and Paisley presented the Taoiseach with a Jacobite musket in return for Ahern’s gift at the St Andrews talks of a walnut bowl made from a tree from the site. A new tree was also planted in the grounds of Oldbridge House by the two politicians to mark the occasion.[9]

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 -The Glorious 12th of July –

Extracts from Belfast Child Autobiography

My Story

 

Chapter Four

The Glorious 12th

protestant boys

Extracts from Belfast Child.

See above for additional chapters

See The Siege Of Derry what’s it all about

Like the vast majority of Protestants in Northern Ireland apart from my Birthday, Christmas and our family holiday to Ballyferris, the 12th of July was the biggest and most important day of the year. In 1663 the Protestant King Billy defeated the Catholic King James at the Battle of Boyne and changed the course of Irish history forever. Three hundred years later on the 12th of July every year Northern Ireland came to a standstill as the Protestant majority took to the streets and celebrated the most sacred day in the Protestant calendar. As a child I loved the whole 12th experience and counted the days down until the great day arrived. For weeks before the 12th all the children, with the help of adults would gather all sorts of burnable material for the bonfire that would be lit the night before, to signal the beginning of the celebrations. After school we would rush home, have something to eat and head of in the hunt for wood and whatever else we could find that would burn. Sometimes there would be dozens of us going back and forth to the gel carrying whatever we could find and placing it on the ever growing bonfire in the middle of the square. In Glencairn alone there would be about five or six bonfires and it was always very competitive to see which area could collect the most wood and have the biggest bonfire. Competition between the various parts of the estate were fierce and as the eleventh grew closer, the older boys would be allowed to stay out all night with suitable adults and guard the wood from raids from those at the top or bottom of the estate. As the day grew closer, the excitement was almost tangible and in the early evening sunshine we would gather around the ever-growing tower of wood and play until darkness. There was always a hunt, the command centre and if we were lucky the older boys would let us go inside and wait until they returned from another hunt for wood. One day when there was only myself and a few of the other younger children guarding the wood , the boys from the top of the estate came charging through the square in a bare faced raid on our precious wood. There were only about five of us and there was about fifteen of them and they were all older than us and there was little we could do but stand by and watch as they made off with their precious bounty. Taking control I told David to run as fast as he could and find the rest of our gang. Picking up stones from the ground I began pelting the enemy with missiles. The others soon joined in and before long the enemy had to duck and hide as we threw everything we could find at them. But we were well out numbered and it was only a matter of time before they had over powered us and decided to take me prisoner, as I seemed to be in charge.

Shankill Road Bonefire

Panic and terror washed over me as I was lead away to the enemy camp at the top of the estate. To add insult to injury a boy named Y forced me to help him carry a door stolen from our bonfire. I was threatened with a dig in the face if I tried to run away or do anything stupid, so I decided self preservation was the best course of action and was a model prisoner. As we marched in single file towards the top of the estate and the enemy bonfire, I wondered with dread what fate awaited me when we arrived there. A few weeks before John Jackson had also been captured in a raid and when he was finally set free he had a black eye and a busted lip. As I marched on all sorts of thoughts of pain and torture were going through my mind, when suddenly I heard the sound of running feet and raised voices. As I turned I was delighted to see my brother and about ten of our gang running towards us. Panic set into the enemy as they realized what was happening and some of them dropped what they were carrying and fled. Before I knew what was happening my rescuers had caught up with us and a massive fight broke out between the two warring sides. I dropped my end of the door I was carrying and jumped on Y terrorising him with a blood curdling scream that rose from deep within me. I was free! The noise was deafening as the two sides fought a running battle, but reinforcements had arrived from our gang and before long we had beaten the enemy into retreat. When they had all fled, we gathered up our stolen wood and sang as we made our way back to our camp.

I was a hero and that night guarding the bonfire I wallowed as all those present praised my heroic deeds of the day and I now had access to the hut whenever I liked.

dad  and margaret

Why Ireland split into the Republic of Ireland & Northern Ireland

As the great day drew closer our house was always in a state of complete chaos. Dad was busy making sure everything was ready for the bands biggest and most important march of the year. There were over forty people in the band and they all had to have uniforms that fitted perfectly and instruments that were at the peak of their working year. While dad got on with that, Granny took us down town and rigged us out with new clothes and shoes for the big day. Image was everything and regardless of how scruffy and dirty we looked the rest of the year, on the 12th of July we would be immaculately turned out. Granny had an old friend called Isaac who lived in Ballysillan and although he was half blind, deaf and always drunk, he had in his day been a competent barber and Granny saw no reason not to continue sending me and David over to Isaac whenever a hair cut was in order, even though he had been retired for over thirty years. Besides he only charged £1.50 and as money was always tight it made perfect sense. Unfortunately for us he would give us a cut that would have shamed a corpse and eventually I came up with the idea that we should cut each other’s hair and pocket the money for ourselves.

111 coffin

These plans went well for a few months until one-day granny give us the money to go and get our hairs cut. When we got back, Granny was stood by the door waiting for us, which was most unusual and asked us had Isaac cut our hair? When we answered yes, she asked us how he was. By now we were both starting to get a bit suspicious and nervously answered ok. How were we to know that he had died the night before from a sudden heart attached and was now in the morgue having the final hair cut of his life. Needless to say Granny went ape and we got a good thumping for the lies. From that day on Granny personally escorted us to the barbers and watched with a critical eye as we had our hairs cut.

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The Sash my Father Wore

SHANKILL PROTESTANT BOYS FLUTE BAND, SINGING THE SASH

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Growing up in loyalist Belfast every child knew the words to the Sash and it was our national anthem.

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Lyrics

So sure l’m an Ulster Orangeman, from Erin’s isle I came,
To see my British brethren all of honour and of fame,
And to tell them of my forefathers who fought in days of yore,
That I might have the right to wear, the sash my father wore!

Chorus:
It is old but it is beautiful, and its colours they are fine
It was worn at Derry, Aughrim, Enniskillen and the Boyne.
My father wore it as a youth in bygone days of yore,
And on the Twelfth I love to wear the sash my father wore.

Chorus

For those brave men who crossed the Boyne have not fought or died in vain
Our Unity, Religion, Laws, and Freedom to maintain,
If the call should come we’ll follow the drum, and cross that river once more
That tomorrow’s Ulsterman may wear the sash my father wore!

Chorus

And when some day, across the sea to Antrim’s shore you come,
We’ll welcome you in royal style, to the sound of flute and drum
And Ulster’s hills shall echo still, from Rathlin to Dromore
As we sing again the loyal strain of the sash my father wore!

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As the 12th grew closer and closer there was always an atmosphere of excitement and anticipation whilst everyone counted the days down. The various bonfires were now mountains of burnable material that towered high above the houses and flats that surrounded the area. Apart from the hundreds of bands and orange lodge’s from Northern Ireland that would be marching on the day, dozen’s more would travel over from Scotland, Mainland England and as far afield as Canada & Australia. This was the most sacred day in the Loyalist calendar. Loyalist’s from across the world would make the pilgrimage back to Northern Ireland to celebrate their culture and age old traditions. Even at nine years old I felt a tremendous sense of pride and loyalty and passion at the Protestant culture and traditions that governed my daily life in Loyalist West Belfast. I was no different from any other child from a working class Protestant family in Northern Ireland. Although unlike my peers I had a secret Catholic mother.

Like all other Loyalist areas of Belfast and throughout Northern Ireland Glencairn was awash with Loyalist flags, red, white and blue bunting, murals and countless houses had Union Jacks and Red Hand of Ulster flag’s flying proudly from the front. As the twelfth of July approached this visual proclamation of Protestant pride took on a new meaning and the paving stones would be painted red, white and blue whilst almost every house in the estate flew a Loyalist or Protestant flag of some description. As a child this added to the sense of excitement for me and I took this as a sign of the glorious party that everyone would take part in to celebrate the twelfth.

When the 11th of July finally arrived Granny would come round to our house first thing and sort dad and us all out and make sure we had enough food to see us over the holiday period. We would be almost bursting with excitement and as soon as breakfast was over, David, Shep and I were out the door and heading towards the bonfire, where we would meet up with our mates and spend the day collecting last minute material for the fire and generally playing around. As evening approached adults would gradually start to gather around the bonfire and the celebrations would get in to full swing. Loud Loyalist music would be blaring from various houses around the square and as the night wore on more and more people would gather and the whole square came alive with the sound of laughter and people enjoying themselves. Everybody took part in the celebrations and the whole community mucked in to make sure the occasion was really special and a night to remember. Local women would prepare loads and loads of food for the party and this would be distributed throughout the day to anyone who needed a bite to eat. As the evening wore on the music got louder, the adults would become very loud and funny as the drink kicked in and as darkness engulfed Belfast the time to light the children’s bonfire would arrive. Finally when everyone was in place, to cries of delight from the gathered crowds, an Effie of the pope was placed on the top of the bonfire. On this night more than any other, the two communities of Northern Ireland were divided more than ever, as the Protestant majority noisily celebrated its supremacy over the Catholic minority. Surrounded by all my family and friends I watched in awe as the bonfire was lit and the flames, slowly at first, then faster licked their way up towards the top and the pope. As the flames grew higher and higher and finally reached the pope and engulfed him in flames, screams of joy rang out through the summer’s nights and echoed around the estate and Protestant Northern Ireland. Shouts of encouragement egged the flames on until finally the pope disintegrated in front of our eyes and we all took great joy from the fact the he was obviously suffering a terrible death.

Pope John

As grew older & wiser my hatred of the Pope and all things Catholic diminished ,but my hatred of Republicans & The IRA is as strong today as it was when I was a Child. I blamed them for the misery & slaughter they unleased in their quest for a United Ireland and the 1000’s of innocent victims now in too early graves.

We had killed and burned to cinders the father of the hated Catholic Church and her people and we sang and yelled with pleasure as the ritual the stirred in us. As the fire burned the crackle of the wood and the spit of the flames filled the air and children would dance round the fire, laughing and singing with the adults until it was time for bed. Eventually Granny would come and find David, Shep and me and bring us home in protest to bed. As soon as we were settled down she would go out into the square again and David and I would climb out of bed and watch from our bedroom window, the antics of the drunken adults as they sang and danced the night away around the burning bonfire.

First thing next morning Granny would be round at the crack of dawn and yell for us to get up as she busied herself making everyone a full Ulster Fry and getting us ready. Before long the house was in complete chaos as Granny washed and fed us and made sure we were smartly turned out for the day. As the morning wore on members of the band would arrive for last minute preparation and before long the whole street was out and about, as the band nervously got in a few last minutes of practice. At about eight thirty the whole band would start to gather outside the shops and take up their places. By now the route out of the estate was lined with hundreds of people, regardless of age or hangovers, who had come to see them off. When everyone was in place dad took up his position at the right of the procession and after one last check shouted, “March” and they would strike up a tune and begin to march. Every year a loyal crowd of followers would fall in beside them and accompany them on the 26 mile march to the field. Much to my annoyance I was too young to be allowed to go with them and I longed for the day when I would be old enough. As we stood on the kerb watching them go my heart was full of pride as I watched dad in his uniform lead them down the Road and out of the estate. When they were out of sight we would all travel down to Ormeau Road, where hundreds of bands and Orange men would meet before making their way to the field. Tens of thousands lined the route and as a child it seemed to me the whole world had gathered to celebrate with 12th of July. Our family always sat outside the garage on the lower Ormeau road and watched as hundred of bands, of all shapes and colours, lead thousands of bowler hatted Orangemen and women to the field.

Orange Men

Throughout Northern Ireland dozens of similar parades were taking place, but the march in Belfast was always by far the biggest and the most important of the day. We watched with mounting excitement as various bands passed and waited with baited breath for dad’s band to come into view, so we could cheer them on.

Each band would be attached to an Orange lodge that marched in front of them all the way to the field. They all had a unique uniform that extinguished them from the other bands marching. The hardcore Loyalist and paramilitary flute bands always got the loudest cheers and when a talented leader came into view everyone watched with nervous anticipation as he done various tricks with his pole, flinging it high into the sky, before catching it on the way down and immediately throwing it over his neck or under his legs before going into an routine.. Although dad’s band was an accordion band and we all took great pride in them being part of the parade, the flute and hardcore Loyalist bands were the crowds favourite and when they played a familiar tune huge cheers arose from the gathered crowd and people would join in and sing a long at the top of their voices until the band passed and another came into view. I always loved the sound of the Lambeg drums as they made their way to where we were standing and their mournful tunes drifted far over our heads and echoed through the streets of Belfast, as a warning to the Catholic people that today was our day and we were the masters of Northern Ireland. A sea of colour washed past as band after band marched by us on their way to the field. Apart from local and famous flute bands getting the loudest cheers , bands from the Shankill Road brought the loudest cheers of encouragement and joy , these were our people, come to our shore to support us in our never ending war against the IRA and Catholic people and we made sure they knew we appreciated their commitment. When dad’s band finally came into sight a huge cheer rang out from all of us and those among the spectators from Glencairn and the surrounding areas. As they passed us we would call dad’s name and when he and the other’s from the band noticed us they would all turn and salute us as they marched past. I almost burst with pride as I watched them move off and disappear in to the distance and always regretted that I was not going with them. The parade took about two hours to pass us and when it was all over, Granny would take us home. Exhausted from shouting and singing after dinner we would while away the time until 17:30, when we would go back to town to cheer them on their homeward journey from the field. When it was all over there would always be lots of parties in the estate as we clung desperately to the day and never wanted it to end. By the time we eventually got to bed I would be counting down the days until next year and the time I was old enough to take part in the parade and go all the way to the mystical field with dad and the rest of the band. Sleep came easily and I dreamt I was the leader of one of the more famous bands and the best leader in the whole wide world.

Every year on the 13th July the entire Chambers clan, aunties, uncles, grandparents, cousin’s, close friends and an assortment of animals would descend on Ballyferris Caravan Park to start the annual holidays. Ballyferris is a small seaside town on the east coast of County Down and like all other aspects of our life it was a Protestant town and a favourite destination for Protestants throughout Belfast and the Shankill road area. It was like a home from home and we all loved and looked forward to our yearly visits there. In the early years we never had a car and would travel down on the bus or train, depending on how much money we had. We must have looked like a Sunday school outing as 9 adults shepherded over a dozen kids through the centre of Belfast towards the train or bus station. When we finally arrived in Ballyferris we would all help unpack the luggage and settle into various caravans that stood side by side looking out towards the sea. There were that many of us that it must have looked as though we had taken over the whole caravan site and the other children always sought us out as they wanted to become part of our massive gang. There was a huge green in the centre of the site and at every opportunity two teams were rustled together and a football match would get under way. I used to love it if I got picked to play on the same side as dad and other members of the family and the rest of the family cheered on from the touchline. I dreamt that I was George Best, playing for Manchester United. When we weren’t playing football or flying our kites David, wee Sam , Pickle and me would go down to the beach in search of crabs and other sea life and if they were lucky to survive being captured , we would bring them up to the green and race them for packets of sweets and crisps etc. Once wee Sam and I got separated from the other as we climbed further and further over the rocks until we were right by the sea’s edge. We lost all sense of time as we cast our crab lines out as far as possible in our quest to catch the biggest crab. Gradually it started to rain and as it began to fall heavier and heavier we decided to pack up and head back to the caravan with our bucket of nervous crabs. As we turned to leave we noticed with mounting panic that the tide had come in and we were completely surrounded by the rising sea water. Our frantic cries finally caught the attention of a man walking his dog on the beach and before long the whole family and most of the other people staying at the caravan site were gathered at the edge of the water telling us not to move and the coastguards were on their way. Panic turned to excitement as a dot appeared in the distance sea and the coast boat came slowly into view. Wee Sam and I were pleased as punch as the boat drew up and the coastguard helped us into the boat. As the boat made its way to the beach we waved like royalty to the gathered crowds on the beachfront. Sadly our joy was short lived as when we arrived on the beach we got a severe ticking off from our parents and any other adult who felt like having a go. Not that we let this spoil our new found fame and at every opportunity for the rest of the holiday we boasted to our peers about our daring rescue by the coast guard from the jaws of certain death.

In the evening if the weather was good we would all gather as much food and drink as we could carry and go down to the beach to have a BBQ or picnic. We would collect wood from the beach and before long we would have a fire going and cook baked potatoes and roast sausages round the edge. As darkness rolled in we would sit around the fire singing Loyalist song and telling stories and before long I would fall asleep on dad’s knee and the next thing I knew I was waking up the next morning, in the caravan to the sounds and smells of Granny making breakfast. The best part of the whole holiday for me and the other children was when we would all be gathered up and went to Millisle , a seaside town about two miles away with a huge funfair. Sometime’s when the weather was really good we would walk to Millisle along the beach front and as it came into view we would race over the sand dunes in a scramble to see who could get there first. The day would be spent going from one ride to another and although I loved it all, I enjoyed the dodgem cars best of all and I drove like a kamikaze pilot as I crashed into dad and anyone else I could catch. Dad always seemed to enjoy our time at the funfair and he took part in loads of different games until he had won us all a present of some description. After exhausting ourselves on the rides we would join our grandparents and others on the beach for a picnic and if we were really lucky we were treated to fish and chips from one of the many chippies along the seas front. After dinner dad and his brothers would go for a pint in one of the local bars and we kids would amuse ourselves by burying each other in the sand and paddling by the water’s edge. It was always with great sadness for me when these days came to an end and I would feel heartbroken as we packed up our things for the bus back to the caravan site. I never wanted these holidays to end and when the day came that we would be travelling back to Belfast I would take long walks along the beach and through the caravan site and considered hiding until everyone else had left and I could stay there forever. Dad and the others were used to my wander lust and a search party was soon despatched to find me and bring me back into the fold. As the bus pulled away from the caravan site, taking us home, I fought to hold back my tears as I said a silent goodbye to Ballyferris and the bright lights of the fun fair.

Years later as a teenager, with my life in tatters and on the brink of suicide, I ran away from home and ended up back in Ballyferris. But this time I was all alone and it was mid winter, snowing, freezing cold and the funfair was in complete darkness. And my beloved father was dead.

 

If you would like to read more of my story please see home page of follow this link Belfast Child’s Autobiography .

The brutal Killing of Farkhunda Malikzada

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The brutal  Killing of Farkhunda Malikzada

Farkhunda Malikzada[1] (Persian: فرخنده) was a 27-year-old Afghan woman who was publicly slain by a mob in Kabul on March 19, 2015. A large crowd formed in the streets around Farkhunda when accusers began yelling, announcing her alleged crimes to the public. They claimed that she had burned the Quran, and for that, her accusers announced that she must pay the ultimate price.

Police initially tried to protect Farkhunda and disperse the crowd, but were overwhelmed by the mob’s numbers and fury.

The mob grabbed Farkhunda, pulled her hair, hit her, spit at her, pushed her to the ground, stomped on her body, kicked her in the head, and ripped the veil from her face. Police, seeing the urgency of the situation, attempted to remove her from the crowds by climbing atop a shop roof. Farkhunda lost her balance while…

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