A number of Loyalist Defence Associations came together and formed the Ulster Defence Association (UDA).
[The UDA was to quickly become the largest of the Loyalist paramilitary organisations in Northern Ireland. The smaller Ulster Freedom Fighters (UFF), which was responsible for many sectarian killings, was considered a cover name for the UDA. Indeed the UDA was a legal organisation between 1971 and 11 August 1992 when it was finally proscribed.]
Wednesday 1 September 1971 The Irish Republican Army (IRA) exploded a series of bombs across Northern Ireland injuring a number of people.
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Monday 1 September 1975
Five Protestant civilians died and seven were injured as a result of an attack on an Orange Hall in Newtownhamilton, County Armagh. Responsibility for the attack was claimed by a group called the South Armagh Republican Action force (SARAF) which was considered by many commentators to be a covername for members of the Irish Republican Army (IRA).
Two members of the Ulster Defence Association (UDA) were killed by the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) in the continuing feud between the two Loyalist paramilitary groups. Denis Mullen (36), then a member of the Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP), was shot dead at his home near Moy, County Tyrone.
Thomas Taylor (50), a Protestant civilian, was shot dead by Republican paramilitaries at his place of work in Donegall Street, Belfast. Another Protestant civilian was shot dead, in a case of mistaken identity, by the UVF at a scrap metal yard near Glengormley, County Antrim. The intended targets were the Catholic owners of the business.
Tuesday 1 September 1981
First Integrated Secondary School Northern Ireland’s first religiously integrated secondary school, Lagan College, opened. [The integrated school movement was mainly driven by the desire of parents to have schools which would provide the opportunity for greater cross community contact amongst young people.]
Wednesday 1 September 1982
The Irish National Liberation Army (INLA) shot and wounded Billy Dickson, then a Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) member of Belfast City Council. A new Department of Economic Development was formed when the merger took place between the Departments of Commerce and Manpower.
[During September unemployment in Northern Ireland increased to 22.3 per cent of the workforce. ]
September 1991
Sunday 1 September 1991
Visit by USA Delegation A delegation of politicians from the United States of America (USA) arrived in Northern Ireland for a fact-finding visit. Tom Foley, then Democrat Party member and Speaker of the House of Representatives, led the delegation. Foley called on Americans not to provide financial support for NORAID (Irish Northern Aid Committee). Foley also refused to meet representatives of Sinn Féin (SF) until it had renounced the use of violence.
Wednesday 1 September 1993
James Bell (49), a Catholic civilian, was shot dead by the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) at his place of work near to the Newtownards Road in east Belfast. James Peacock (44), a prison officer, was shot dead at his home in Belfast by the UVF.
[The UVF later threatened to kill more prison officers unless there were improvements in conditions for Loyalist prisoners. This threat was withdrawn on 10 September 1993.]
The Unionist controlled Belfast City Council voted to ban Mary Robinson, then President of the Republic of Ireland, from entering any council owned property including the City Hall.
Thursday 1 September 1994
John O’Hanlon (32), a Catholic civilian, was shot dead by the Ulster Freedom Fighters (UFF), a cover name (pseudonym) used by the Ulster Defence Association (UDA). He was killed outside a friend’s home in Skegoneill Avenue, Skegoneill, north Belfast.
Friday 1 September 1995
An Irish Republican Army (IRA) spokesperson was reported to have said: “There is absolutely no question of any IRA decommissioning at all, either through the back door or the front door”.
[The first act of decommissioning by the IRA happened on 23 October 2001.]
Sunday 1 September 1996
Billy Wright, a leading Loyalist who had been ordered to leave Northern Ireland by the Combined Loyalist Military Command (CLMC) on 28 August 1996, addressed a group of supporters at midnight; the time of the deadline set by the CLMC. A bomb was thrown through the window of the home of Alex Kerr’s parents (Alex Kerr was also under threat from the CLMC but was in police custody at the time of the attack). There were no injuries as a result of the bombing. A series of Orange marches were rerouted in Dunloy, Newry, lower Ormeau Road, Pomeroy, and Strabane.
Monday 1 September 1997
Relatives of three men that were shot dead on 13 January 1990 by undercover soldiers walked out of an inquest in Belfast in protest at the “restricted scope” of the inquiry.
[The three men, Edward Hale (25), John McNeill (43), and Peter Thompson (23), all Catholic civilians, were shot dead during an attempted robbery at Sean Graham’s bookmaker’s shop at the junction of Whiterock Road and Falls Road, Belfast.]
David Trimble, then leader of the Ulster Unionist Party (UUP), held a meeting in Armagh with leaders of the Catholic Church. The meeting was part of a consultation process that the UUP engaged in to determine whether or not to take part in the Stormont talks. Trimble said later that the UUP would not meet Sinn Féin (SF) face-to-face. It was announced that the new head of the Civil Service in Northern Ireland would be John Semple.
Tuesday 1 September 1998
Gerry Adams, then President of Sinn Féin (SF), announced in a statement that: “Sinn Féin believe the violence we have seen must be for all of us now a thing of the past, over, done with and gone.” David Trimble in his role as First Minister Designate, invited Gerry Adams to a round-table meeting.
[These developments came in advance of the arrival of Bill Clinton, then President of the United States of America (USA), on a visit to Northern Ireland on 3 September 1998.]
In an interview the Irish Republican Army (IRA) said that it would not decommission its weapons and claimed that Unionists were using the issue to try to re-negotiate the Good Friday Agreement. The interview was given to ‘An Phoblacht / Republican News’ and was published in full on Thursday 3 September 1998 in the paper. In addition the IRA said that it would do all in its power to help the relatives of people who had disappeared during the conflict. John Bruton, then leader of Fine Gael (FG), said the statement by the IRA on decommissioning made it unthinkable that politicians associated with it could take part in an Executive. The Garda Síochána (the Irish police) established a special unit to investigate malicious calls to the families of two young Buncrana boys killed in the Omagh bombing
Saturday 1 September 2001
The Ulster Unionist Party (UUP) held a meeting of its 120 member executive to decide its response to the ‘Patten Report – Updated Implementation Plan 2001’ that was issued on 17 August 2001. The meeting unanimously supported a motion outlining: “the leader’s determination to resolve satisfactorily with the Secretary of State a number of fundamental issues regarding the Policing Board and the police implementation plan before any further decision is given by the Ulster Unionist Party to nominating members to the Policing Board”. In an interview with the BBC David Ervine, then leader of the Progressive Unionist Party (PUP), suggested that individual members of the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) may have been responsible for the attempted car bomb attack on the Auld Lammas Fair in Ballycastle, County Antrim, on 28 August 2001.
Remembering all innocent victims of the Troubles
Today is the anniversary of the follow people killed as a results of the conflict in Northern Ireland
To the innocent on the list – Your memory will live forever
– To the Paramilitaries –
“There are many things worth living for, a few things worth dying for, but nothing worth killing for.
14 People lost their lives on the 1st September between 1973 – 1994
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01 September 1973 Anne Marie Petticrew, (19)
Catholic Status: Irish Republican Army (IRA),
Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Died nine days after being injured in premature bomb explosion in house, Elaine Street, Stranmillis, Belfast
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01 September 1975
Denis Mullen, (36)
Catholic Status: Civilian Political Activist (CivPA),
Killed by: Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF)
Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP) member. Shot at his home, Collegeland, near Moy, County Armagh.
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01 September 1975 Thomas Taylor, (50)
Protestant Status: Civilian (Civ),
Killed by: non-specific Republican group (REP)
Found shot at his TV repair shop, Donegall Street, Belfast.
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01 September 1975
James McKee, (70)
Protestant Status: Civilian (Civ),
Killed by: Republican Action Force (RepAF)
Shot during gun attack on Tullyvallen Orange Hall, Newtownhamilton, County Armagh.
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01 September 1975 Ronald McKee, (40)
Protestant Status: Civilian (Civ),
Killed by: Republican Action Force (RepAF)
Shot during gun attack on Tullyvallen Orange Hall, Newtownhamilton, County Armagh.
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01 September 1975 John Johnston, (80)
Protestant Status: Civilian (Civ),
Killed by: Republican Action Force (RepAF)
Shot during gun attack on Tullyvallen Orange Hall, Newtownhamilton, County Armagh.
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01 September 1975 Nevin McConnell, (40)
Protestant Status: Civilian (Civ),
Killed by: Republican Action Force (RepAF)
Shot during gun attack on Tullyvallen Orange Hall, Newtownhamilton, County Armagh.
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01 September 1975
William Herron, (63)
Protestant Status: Civilian (Civ),
Killed by: Republican Action Force (RepAF)
Shot during gun attack on Tullyvallen Orange Hall, Newtownhamilton, County Armagh. He died 3 September 1975
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01 September 1975 Leslie Shepherd, (24)
Protestant Status: Civilian (Civ),
Killed by: Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF)
Shot at scrapyard, Lisnalinchy, near Glengormley, County Antrim. Catholic owners of the scrapyard were the intended targets.
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01 September 1979 Gerry Lennon, (23)
Catholic Status: Civilian (Civ),
Killed by: Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF)
Shot at his workplace, a shop, Antrim Road, Belfast.
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01 September 1987 Eamon Maguire, (33)
Catholic Status: Irish Republican Army (IRA),
Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Found shot, Conalig, near Cullaville, County Armagh. Alleged informer.
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01 September 1993
James Bell, (49)
Catholic Status: Civilian (Civ),
Killed by: Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF)
Shot at his workplace, Riada Factory, Chadolly Street, off Newtownards
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01 September 1993
James Peacock, (44)
Protestant Status: Prison Officer (PO),
Killed by: Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF)
Off duty. Shot at his home, Joanmount Park, Ballysillan, Belfast
This is simply the story of a boy trying to grow up, survive, thrive, have fun & discover himself against a backdrop of events that might best be described as ‘explosive’, captivating & shocking the world for thirty long years.
Disclaimer – The views and opinions expressed in these documentary are soley intended to educate and provide background information to those interested in the Troubles of Northern Ireland. They … Continue reading The Shankill Bomb→
The views and opinions expressed in these pages/documentaries are soley intended to educate and provide background information to those interested in the Troubles of Northern Ireland. They in no way reflect my own opinions and I take no responsibility for any inaccuracies or factual errors.
Wright attracted considerable media attention at the Drumcree standoff, where he supported the Orange Order‘s desire to march its traditional route through the Catholic/Irish nationalist area of Portadown. In 1994, the UVF and other paramilitary groups called ceasefires. However, in July 1996, Wright’s unit broke the ceasefire and carried out a number of attacks, including a sectarian killing. For this, Wright and his Portadown unit of the Mid-Ulster Brigade were stood down by the UVF leadership. He was expelled from the UVF and threatened with execution if he did not leave Northern Ireland. Wright ignored the threats and, along with many of his followers, defiantly formed the breakaway Loyalist Volunteer Force (LVF). In March 1997 he was sent to the Maze Prison for having threatened the life of a woman. While imprisoned, Wright continued to direct the LVF’s activities. In December that year, he was assassinated inside the prison by Irish National Liberation Army (INLA) prisoners. The LVF carried out a wave of sectarian attacks in retaliation.
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Billy Wright Funeral
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Owing to his uncompromising stance as an upholder of Ulster loyalism and opposition to the Northern Ireland peace process, Wright is regarded as a cult hero, icon, and martyr figure by hardline loyalists. His image adorned murals in loyalist housing estates and many of his devotees have tattoos bearing his likeness.
Early life
Skyline of Wolverhampton, England, where Wright was born to Northern Irish Protestant parents
William Stephen “Billy” Wright, named after his grandfather, was born in Wolverhampton, England on 7 July 1960 to David Wright and Sarah McKinley, Ulster Protestants from Portadown, Northern Ireland. He was the only son of five children.[10][11] Before Wright’s birth, his parents had moved to England when they fell out with many of their neighbours after his grandfather had challenged tradition by running as an Independent Unionist candidate and defeated the local Official Unionist MP. The Wright family had a long tradition in Northern Ireland politics; Billy’s great-grandfather Robert Wright had once served as a Royal Commissioner.[12] His father obtained employment in the West Midlands industrial city of Wolverhampton.
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L.V.F REVENGE FOR BILLY WRIGHTS DEATH.
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In 1964 the family returned to Northern Ireland and Wright soon came under the influence of his maternal uncle Cecil McKinley, a member of the Orange Order. About three years later, Wright’s parents separated and his mother decided to leave her children behind when she transferred once more to England. None of the Wright siblings would ever see their mother again. Wright and his four sisters (Elizabeth, Jackie, Angela and Connie) were placed in foster care by the welfare authorities. He was raised separately from his sisters in a children’s home in Mountnorris, South Armagh (a predominantly Irish nationalist area). Wright was brought up in the Presbyterian religion and attended church twice on Sundays.[13] The young Wright mixed with Catholics and played Gaelic football, indicating an amicable relationship with the local Catholic, nationalist population. Nor were his family extreme Ulster loyalists. Wright’s father, while campaigning for an inquest into his son’s death, would later describe loyalist killings as “abhorrent”.[10] Two of Wright’s sisters married Catholic men, one having come from County Tipperary and whom Wright liked. Wright’s sister Angela maintained that he personally got on well with Catholics, and that he was only anti-Irish republican and anti-IRA.[14][15] For a while David Wright cohabitated with Kathleen McVeigh, a Catholic from Garvagh.[16]
Whilst attending Markethill High School, Wright took a part-time job as a farm labourer where he came into contact with a number of staunchly unionist and loyalist farmers who served with the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) Reserve or the Ulster Defence Regiment (UDR).[17] The conflict known as the Troubles had been raging across Northern Ireland for about five years by this stage, and many young men such as Wright would be swept up in the maelstrom of violence as the Provisional IRA ramped up its bombing campaign and sectarian killings of Catholics continued to escalate. During this time Wright’s opinions moved towards loyalism and soon he got into trouble for writing the initials “UVF” on a local Catholic primary school wall. When he refused to clean off the vandalism, Wright was transferred from the area and sent to live with an aunt in Portadown.[18]
Early years in the Ulster Volunteer Force
Security barriers in Portadown, County Armagh at the height of the Troubles. Wright made his home in Portadown from the time he transferred there as a teenager
In the more strongly loyalist environment of Portadown, nicknamed the “Orange Citadel”,[19] Wright was, along with other working-class Protestant teenagers in the area, targeted by the loyalist paramilitary organisation, the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) as a potential recruit. On 31 July 1975, coincidentally the night following the Miami Showband killings, Wright was sworn in as a member of the Young Citizen Volunteers (YCV), the UVF’s youth wing.[20] The ceremony was conducted by swearing on the Bible placed on a table beneath the Ulster banner. He was then trained in the use of weapons and explosives.[21] According to author and journalist Martin Dillon, Wright had been inspired by the violent deaths of UVF men Harris Boyle and Wesley Somerville, both of whom were blown up after planting a bomb on board The Miami Showband‘s minibus. The popular Irish cabaret band had been returning from a performance in Banbridge in the early hours of 31 July 1975 when they were ambushed at Buskhill, County Down by armed men from the UVF’s Mid-Ulster Brigade at a bogus military checkpoint. Along with Boyle and Somerville, three band members had died in the attack when the UVF gunmen had opened fire on the group following the premature explosion. Boyle and Somerville had allegedly served as role models for Wright.[22] Boyle was from Portadown. However, in his 2003 work The Trigger Men, Dillon broke from this version of events and instead concluded that Wright had actually been sworn into the YCV in 1974 when he was 14 years of age. Wright’s sister Angela told Dillon that her brother’s decision to join the UVF had in fact had nothing to do with the Miami Showband killings and Dillon then concluded that Wright had encouraged this version of events as he felt linking his own UVF membership to the activities of his heroes Boyle and Somerville added an origin myth to his own life as a loyalist killer.[23]
Shortly after Wright joined the organisation, he was caught in possession of illegal weapons and sentenced to five years in a wing of HMP Maze (Maze Prison) reserved for paramilitary youth offenders.[24] Before his imprisonment Wright was taken to Castlereagh Holding Centre, a police interrogation centre with a notorious reputation for the brutality employed during grilling. According to Wright’s sister Angela, he would later claim that he had been subjected to a number of indignities by the interrogating officers, including having a pencil shoved into his rectum.[25] During his spell in prison Wright briefly joined the blanket protest, although he stepped down following an order from the UVF’s Brigade Staff (Belfast leadership), who feared that prisoner participation in the protest was being interpreted as a show of solidarity with the Provisional IRA.[26]
Wright would later claim that his decision to join the YCV had been influenced by the Kingsmill massacre of January 1976, when ten local Protestant civilians were killed by republicans. Wright’s cousin Jim Wright, future father-in-law Billy Corrigan, and brother-in-law Leslie Corrigan, were also killed by republicans in this period.[11] Wright later said of the Kingsmill massacre, “I was 15 when those workmen were pulled out of that bus and shot dead. I was a Protestant and I realised that they had been killed simply because they were Protestants. I left Mountnorris, came back to Portadown and immediately joined the youth wing of the UVF. I felt it was my duty to help my people and that is what I have been doing ever since.”[27] However, the massacre actually occurred several months after Wright was first sworn in.
Locals say he was also “indoctrinated” by local loyalist paramilitaries;,[11] however he had personally come to the conclusion that the UVF was the only organisation that had the “moral right” to defend the Protestant people. Wright was again arrested as a result of his UVF activities and in 1977 was sentenced to six years in prison for arms offences and hijacking a van. He served 42 months for these crimes at the Crumlin Road and Maze Prisons. Inside the Maze he became the wing commander of H Block 2.
Born again Christian
Wright was released from the Maze Prison in 1980. Whilst inside he had nursed a deep resentment against the British state for having imprisoned him for being a loyalist. He was met in the car park by his aunt and girlfriend. In a final act of defiance against the authorities, Wright raised his face up towards a British Army observation tower on the Maze’s perimeter fence and shouted “Up the UVF”.[28] Following his release he went to Scotland where he lived for a brief period. He had been there only six weeks when he was taken in for questioning by the Anti-Terrorist Squad based at New Scotland Yard. Although he was not charged with any offences, Wright was nonetheless handed an exclusion order banning him from Great Britain.[29] He soon returned to Portadown and initially tried to avoid paramilitarism. He obtained a job as an insurance salesman and married his girlfriend Thelma Corrigan, by whom he had two daughters, Sara and Ashleen.[30] He took in his sister Angela’s son to be raised alongside his own children when she went to live in the United States. He was regarded as a good father.[11] In 1983 he became a born again Christian and began working as a gospel preacher in County Armagh.[31] He had studied Christianity whilst in prison to pass the time.[32]
As a consequence of his religious conversion, Wright eschewed the highlife favoured by many of his loyalist contemporaries such as Johnny Adair and Stephen McKeag, abstaining from alcohol, tobacco and illegal drugs.[33] He read a lot, including Irish history and theology.[11] In particular he studied the history of Protestantism in Europe.[34] Wright’s religious faith had contradictory influences on his life. On the one hand, he argued that his faith drove him to defend the “Protestant people of Ulster”, while at the same time, he conceded that the cold-blooded murder of non-combatant civilians would ensure his damnation.[35][36] He spoke of this dilemma during an interview with Martin Dillon:[37]:94
“You can’t glorify God and seek to glorify Ulster because the challenges which are needed are paramilitary. That’s a contradiction to the life God would want you to lead. If you were to get yourself involved in paramilitary activity in its present form, or the form in which it manifested itself during the Troubles, then I don’t think you could walk with God… …There’s always the hope that in some way, someday – and there are precedents within scripture – your hope would be that God would draw you back to him. All those who have the knowledge of Christ would seek to walk with him again. People would say, ‘Billy Wright, that’s impossible,’ but nothing’s impossible if you have faith in God. I would hope that he would allow me to come back. I’m not walking with God…. Without getting into doctrine, without getting too deep, it is possible to have walked with God and to fall away and still belong to God”.
When asked by Dillon whether or not the conflict was a religious war, he replied: “I certainly believe religion is part of the equation. I don’t think you can leave religion out of it”.[38]
Angela Wright later claimed that her brother had foreseen the September 11 attacks when he told her that as she was living in New York she was abiding in a “city of sin”; he then went on to predict that the World Trade Center towers would be destroyed from the air.[39]
Wright was re-arrested, along with a number of UVF operatives in the area on evidence provided by Clifford McKeown, a “supergrass” within the movement. Wright was charged with murder, attempted murder, and the possession of explosives. The cases, however ended without any major convictions after McKeown changed his mind and ceased giving evidence.[40]
In the late 1980s, after a five-year absence from the organisation, Wright resumed his UVF activities. This was in consequence of the November 1985 Anglo-Irish Agreement which angered unionists because it gave the Irish Government an advisory role in Northern Ireland’s government.[41] There were constant raids by the RUC and British Army on his home in Portadown’s Corcrain estate.[42] Although he was arrested repeatedly on suspicion of murder and conspiracy, he never faced any charges.[10]
Wright rapidly ascended to a position of prominence within the UVF ranks, eventually assuming leadership of the local Portadown unit. He became commander of the UVF’s Mid-Ulster Brigade in the early 1990s, having taken over from his mentor Robin “the Jackal” Jackson, who had been the leader since July 1975 and one of Wright’s instructors in the use of weaponry. Jackson was implicated in the 1974 Dublin car bombings, the Miami Showband killings, and a series of sectarian attacks.[43] Founded in 1972 by its first commander Billy Hanna, the Mid-Ulster Brigade operated mainly around the Portadown and Lurgan areas. It was a self-contained, semi-autonomous unit which maintained a considerable distance from the Brigade Staff in Belfast. Holding the rank of brigadier, Wright directed up to 20 sectarian killings, according to the Northern Ireland security forces, although he was never convicted in connection with any of them.[11]
While most of Wright’s unit’s victims were Catholic civilians, some were republican paramilitaries. On 3 March 1991, the Mid-Ulster UVF shot and killed three Provisional IRA men, along with a middle-aged civilian, in an ambush outside Boyle’s Bar in Cappagh, County Tyrone. Wright was widely blamed by nationalists and much of the press for having led this shooting attack. According to Paul Larkin in his book A Very British Jihad: collusion, conspiracy and cover-up in Northern Ireland, UVF members who had been present at Cappagh gave details of the operation, claiming that they were forced to drag Wright into the car as he had allegedly become so frenzied once he had started shooting that he didn’t want to stop.[44][45] British journalist Peter Taylor, however, stated in his book Loyalists that he had been told by reliable UVF sources that Wright was not involved.[46] The RUC arrested Wright after the shootings. During the interrogation he provided the RUC with an alibi which had placed him in Dungannon when the Cappagh attack occurred, and the RUC confirmed this.[44][45] Wright himself considered Cappagh to have been a successful UVF operation. The Guardian newspaper quoted him as saying, “I would look back and say that Cappagh was probably our best”.[44][45]
Because of the ruthlessness and efficiency of the attacks carried out by his unit, Wright struck fear into the nationalist and republican communities across Northern Ireland. The Cappagh killings in particular shattered the morale of the Provisional IRA East Tyrone Brigade as they had been boldly[need quotation to verify] perpetrated by the Mid-Ulster UVF in a village which was a seemingly impenetrable IRA stronghold.[32][46] Wright took personal credit for this, boasting that he and his Mid-Ulster unit had “put the East Tyrone Brigade of the IRA on the run” and “decimated” them.[44][45] As a result he became a target for assassination by the IRA and also the Irish National Liberation Army (INLA)’s leader Dominic McGlinchey.[citation needed] The IRA tried unsuccessfully to kill Wright on five different occasions; on 23 October 1992 they planted a bomb under his car, but he detected it after a report that a man had been seen crouching suspiciously beside the vehicle in West Street, Portadown.[10][47]
In addition to being one of its leading military figures, Wright was initially caught up in the euphoria of the Combined Loyalist Military Command (CLMC) ceasefire, describing 13 October 1994 (the date of the announcement by Gusty Spence) as “the happiest day of my life”.[48] However he was also a political militant within the UVF, and soon he publicly disagreed with their leadership’s calling of the ceasefire, being sceptical of the IRA’s motives for supporting the Northern Ireland peace process.[10]
Journalist Susan McKay, writing in The Guardian, was one of the first to report that Wright at this time ran a lucrative protection racket and was one of the most significant drug dealers in the Portadown area, primarily in ecstasy.[49][50][51]
King Rat
Wright’s unit called themselves the “Brat pack”. The nickname “King Rat” was first given to Wright by the Mid-Ulster UDA commander Robert John Kerr as a form of pub bantering. According to journalist and author Paul Larkin, Kerr sat inside a pub and jokingly bestowed a nickname on each patron as they entered. When Wright walked through the door, Kerr gave him the soubriquet of “King Rat”.[44][52]Sunday World journalist Martin O’Hagan picked up on it and satirically named them the “rat pack”; he also used the name “King Rat” to identify Wright. Much to Wright’s annoyance, the name became popular with the media. In response, Wright had the newspaper’s offices bombed and issued a death threat to O’Hagan and anyone who worked for the paper.[53]
In an interview with Martin Dillon, he blamed the police raids, republican death threats and the “King Rat” nickname as factors which eventually caused the break-up of his marriage.[42] He nevertheless maintained cordial relations with his ex-wife, Thelma, whom he described as a “good Christian”.[42]
The Drumcree conflict, stemming from an Orange Order protest at Drumcree Church after their parade had been banned from marching through the predominately nationalist Catholic Garvaghy area of Portadown, returned to the headlines in 1995 with trouble expected in Wright’s Portadown stronghold. Just before the July marching season Irish government representative Fergus Finlay held a meeting with Wright in which the latter pledged his loyalty to the peace process and David Ervine in particular, although Wright also warned Finlay that loyalist views had to be respected.[54] Cracks began to show however as Wright felt that the UVF response to the trouble had been inordinately low-key whilst his taste for the Progressive Unionist Party (PUP) strategy also began to wane as the party moved increasingly towards a form of socialism, an ideology repugnant to Wright.[55] A further problem arose when Wright, who by that time was a popular loyalist figure across Northern Ireland, travelled to the Shankill Road in Belfast in late 1995 to try to overturn a ban preventing an Orange Order parade entering a neighbouring Catholic area. Wright had hoped to bring local UVF units onto the streets of the Shankill to force an overturning of the ban but the Shankill commanders refused to put their units at Wright’s disposal, having assured the British authorities that they would not in a series of secret negotiations. Wright returned to Portadown in disgust, accusing the Belfast UVF of having surrendered.[56] Nonetheless when Wright was arrested in late 1995 for intimidation he was still on good terms with the UVF, whose magazine Combat called for his release.[57]
In January 1996, Wright once again travelled to Belfast where he dropped a verbal bombshell by announcing that the Mid-Ulster Brigade would no longer operate under the authority of the Brigade Staff.[58] That same year Wright was ordered to attend a meeting called by the Brigade Staff at “the Eagle”, their headquarters above a chip shop (bearing the same name) on the Shankill Road, to answer charges of alleged drug dealing and being a police informer. The latter accusation came about after the loss of a substantial amount of weapons from the Mid-Ulster Brigade and a large number of its members had been arrested. Wright refused to attend and continued to flout Brigade Staff authority.[59]
Following the decision by RUC Chief Constable Hugh Annesley to ban the Orange parade through the Garvaghy Road area of Portadown in the summer of 1996 a campaign of road blockages and general disruption broke out across Northern Ireland as a protest organised by the Ulster Unionist Party (UUP) and the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP). The protests, which led to a reversal of the ban, saw no official UVF involvement although Wright, despite not being a member of the Orange Order, was personally involved and led a sizeable force of his men to Drumcree. Wright and the Mid-Ulster Brigade attracted considerable attention from the global media as they made a formidable show of strength and staunchly defended the Orangemen’s right to march their traditional route. The brigade manned the barricades, and brought homemade weapons to the church; among these was a mechanical digger and a petrol tanker.[14][60] There was intelligence that Wright and his unit had planned to attack the Army and police who were blocking the Orangemen’s passage.[19] Television cameras broadcast Wright directing rioters on Drumcree hill against the security forces.[61] Wright even held a meeting with one of the central figures in the operation, UUP leader David Trimble,[62] and he was often seen in the company of Harold Gracey, Grand Master of the Portadown District Orange Lodge.
Physically, Wright stood around six feet tall,[63] had close-cropped blond hair and cold, pale blue eyes.[64] Peter Taylor had been at Drumcree that July and got a close-up view of Wright. Taylor described Wright as a “charismatic leader”. Clad in neat jeans, white T-shirt and wearing a single gold earring, he displayed a muscular build. Flanked by two bodyguards, Wright’s sudden appearance at Drumcree had inspired much admiration from the young boys and girls who were present.[19] Journalist David McKittrick in the Belfast Telegraph described Wright as having been heavily tattoed, who walked with a “characteristic strut that radiated restrained menace”; and had a “bullet head, close-cropped with small ears and deep-set, piercing eyes”.[65] Martin Dillon, who had interviewed him in his home in Portadown, admitted that he had been pleasant and charming throughout the interview, yet throughout the encounter Dillon had “sensed a dark side to his character”.[66] Wright was also considered to have been a “political thinker and capable strategist”.[67]
As a result of the Belfast leadership’s inaction, Wright ordered several killings on his own initiative, according to republican sources.[68] On 9 July 1996, at the height of the Drumcree standoff, the dead body of Catholic taxi driver, Michael McGoldrick, was found in his cab in a remote lane at Aghagallon, near Lurgan, a day after having picked up a fare in the town. He had been shot five times in the head.[69] Both the UVF and the Ulster Freedom Fighters (UFF) released statements emphatically denying involvement in McGoldrick’s killing.[70] According to PUP leader David Ervine, Wright had ordered the killing for the purpose of incriminating the UVF Brigade Staff by making it appear as if they had sanctioned it. To further Wright’s ploy, a handgun had been sent down to the Mid-Ulster Brigade from the Shankill UVF arms dump, but as the weapon had no forensic history the plot backfired.[71] Several years later, Clifford McKeown, the former supergrass, was convicted of the murder of McGoldrick. McKeown, who had claimed that the killing was a birthday present for Billy Wright, was sentenced to 24 years imprisonment for his involvement in the murder.[72]
Leader of the Loyalist Volunteer Force
Billy Wright, along with the Portadown unit of the Mid-Ulster Brigade, was stood down on 2 August 1996 by the UVF’s Brigade Staff for the unauthorised attack on McGoldrick, insubordination, and undermining the peace process.[73] Wright was expelled from the UVF and also threatened with execution by the Combined Loyalist Military Command if he did not leave Northern Ireland.[74]
Wright expressed the following sentiments regarding the CLMC death threat in an interview he conducted with journalist Emer Woodful in late August 1996:
My heart goes out to my family at a time like this. Well, if you think you’re right, then you’re right. Although I have done nothing wrong except express an opinion that’s the prevalent opinion of the people of Northern Ireland and I will always do that, dear, no matter what the price. Well, I’ve been prepared to die for long many a year. I don’t wish to die, but at the end of the day no one will force their opinions down my throat – no one.[14]
Most of the other units of the Mid-Ulster Brigade soon affirmed their loyalty to the leadership although Wright ignored an order to leave Northern Ireland by 1 September 1996, and hours before the deadline attended a Royal Black Preceptory march and a celebration at a club in Portadown’s Corcrain estate, receiving a hero’s welcome at both events.[75] On 4 September, at least 5,000 loyalists attended a rally in Portadown in support of Wright. The rally was addressed by Reverend William McCrea (a DUP Member of Parliament) and Harold Gracey (head of the Portadown Orange Lodge).[76] McCrea made a speech critical of David Ervine and Billy Hutchinson for what he felt was their involvement in the death threats. McCrea’s sharing of the stage with a militant such as Wright caused uproar, although he argued that he was merely supporting Wright’s entitlement to freedom of speech.[77] Ignoring the threat, Wright, in a public show of defiance, formed the Loyalist Volunteer Force (LVF), taking members mainly from the officially-disbanded Portadown unit of the UVF Mid-Ulster Brigade.[73][78] According to writers John Robert Gold and George Revill, Wright’s “mythical stature” amongst loyalists “provided him with the status necessary to form the LVF” in the traditional UVF stronghold of Portadown.[79] Appearing at a Drumcree protest rally, Wright made the following statement: “I will not be leaving Ulster, I will not change my mind about what I believe is happening in Ulster. But all I would like to say is that it has broken my heart to think that fellow loyalists would turn their guns on me, and I have to ask them, ‘For whom are you doing it?'”.[80] Wright’s hardline stance won the support of a number of leading loyalists, including UVF colleague Jackie Mahood, Frankie Curry of the Red Hand Commandos and Alex Kerr of the Ulster Defence Association (UDA). Kerr, another key figure at the Drumcree standoff, had also been ordered by the Combined Loyalist Military Command to leave Northern Ireland on pain of execution.[81]
They were joined by other loyalists disaffected by the peace process, giving them a maximum strength estimated at around 250 activists. They operated outside the Combined Loyalist Military Command and ignored the ceasefire order of October 1994. Wright denounced the UVF leadership as “communists”, for the left wing inclinations of some of their public statements about reconciliation with the nationalist community. Wright was strongly anti-communist and his belief in this was increased by a series of meetings he held with representatives of far right Christian groups from the southern states of the US. From these meetings, organised by Pastor Kenny McClinton, Wright was introduced to conspiracy theories about the role of communists in bringing down Christian morality, ideas that appealed to him.[82] In a somewhat similar vein Wright also enjoyed closed relations with a Bolton-based cell of activists belonging to the neo-Nazi organisation Combat 18 and had members of this group staying in Portadown during the build-up to the Drumcree stand-off in 1997.[83] The UVF in its turn, regarded Wright setting up a rival loyalist organisation in the Mid-Ulster area as “treason”.[73] Members of the Belfast UVF often contemptuously referred to Wright as “Billy Wrong”, with one UVF leader suggesting that Wright was motivated by “religious zealotry and blind bigotry”.[79] The LVF was proscribed by Secretary of State for Northern IrelandMo Mowlam in June 1997.
Wright personally devised the LVF’s codename of “Covenant” which was used to claim its attacks.[84] The LVF published a document stating their aims and objectives:
The use of the Ulster conflict as a crucible for far-reaching, fundamental and decisive change in the United Kingdom constitution. To restore Ulster’s right to self-determination. To end Irish nationalist aggression against Ulster in whatever form. To end all forms of Irish interference in Ulster’s internal affairs. To thwart the creation and/or implementation of any All-Ireland/All-Island political super-structure regardless of the powers vested in such institutions. To defeat the campaign of de-Britishisation and Gaelicisation of Ulster’s daily life.[85]
Imprisonment
Maze Prison, outside Lisburn, where Wright was sent in April 1997, and shot dead the following December
Despite a series of sectarian murders and attacks on Catholic property attributed to the LVF from 1996 to early 1997 (although they were not claimed by the organisation), Wright was not imprisoned until 7 March 1997 when he was convicted of two offences: doing an act with intent to pervert the course of justice and making threats against the life of Gwen Read. This threat by Wright, which led to his arrest in January 1997, followed an altercation with Read’s family and LVF members. He was sentenced to eight years imprisonment for both offences and initially imprisoned at HMP Maghaberry. On 18 March, he received a visit from DUP politician Peter Robinson (who would be elected First Minister of Northern Ireland in 2008). During the interview Wright told Robinson that he believed an attempt on his life by republicans was imminent.[47]
He was sent to the Maze in April 1997. He demanded and was granted an LVF section in C and D wings of H-block 6 (H6) for himself and 26 fellow inmates. INLA prisoners were housed in the A and B wings, and the Irish Republican Socialist Party (IRSP, the political wing of the INLA) warned there would be trouble if the prisoners were not kept segregated. In August 1997, LVF prisoners, led by Wright, rioted over their visiting accommodation in the Maze.[86]
Wright continued to direct LVF operations from the prison, although his deputy Mark “Swinger” Fulton served as its nominal leader. LVF membership increased during Wright’s imprisonment; by October 1997, membership in the organisation was between 150 and 200, many of them former UVF members disillusioned with the ceasefire.[87] It was afterwards discovered that he had kept an irregular diary whilst in prison. On some of the pages he had made subtle threats to Catholic human rights solicitor Rosemary Nelson (killed in 1999 by a Red Hand Defenders car bomb) and her client, IRA prisoner Colin Duffy, charged with killing two RUC constables. The charges against him were later dropped.[67] Wright’s appeal was scheduled to be heard in February 1998.
Killing
A Hungarian FEG PA-63 pistol like the one used to kill Wright
A tense situation existed within the Maze Prison. INLA inmates had told staff “they intend, given a chance, to take out the LVF”.[88] The Prison Officers Association said precautions had been put in place to ensure inmates from the two groups did not come into contact with each other. Prison officers, however, had grave concerns over security measures in H Block 6, where Wright and the LVF were housed. The situation was made more volatile because, unlike the IRA, the UVF, and the UDA, neither the LVF nor the INLA were on ceasefire.[89]
The decision to kill Wright inside the Maze was made in mid-December 1997 at an INLA Ard Chomhairle which was attended by the INLA Chief of Staff. The assassination was to be carried out in retaliation for the LVF killing of GAA member Gerry Devlin which had taken place shortly before. On 16 December a senior INLA member who had been at the Ard Chomhairle went to the Maze to pay a visit to the Officer Commanding of the INLA at H Block 6.[90]
On the morning of Saturday 27 December 1997, just before 10.00 a.m., Wright was assassinated by INLA prisoners inside the Maze Prison.[91] The operation was undertaken by three INLA volunteers – Christopher “Crip” McWilliams, John “Sonny” Glennon and John Kennaway – armed with two smuggled pistols, an PA63 semi-automatic and a .22 Derringer.[68][91] He was shot in the forecourt outside H Block 6 as he sat in the back of a prison van (alongside another LVF prisoner, Norman Green and one prison officer acting as escort) on his way to the visitor’s complex where he had an arranged visit with his girlfriend, Eleanor Reilly.[68][91] John Glennon had been pretending to paint a mural in the sterile area between A and B wings which placed him in a position to see and hear what happened in the forecourt. Upon hearing the announcement over the prison Tannoy system that Wright and Green had been called for their respective visits, Glennon gave a pre-arranged signal to his two waiting comrades. They moved into position at the A wing turnstile; Glennon ran into the canteen and he mounted a table situated beneath a window which gave him a clearer view of the block forecourt. When he saw Wright entering the van at 9.59 a.m. he gave a second pre-arranged signal, which was: “Go, go, go”.
The three INLA men rushed through the turnstile leading to A wing’s exercise yard. Peeling away a pre-cut section of wire fence, they climbed onto the roof of A wing and dropped into the forecourt where the Renault van containing Wright had just started to move forward towards the exit gates.[91] The van was ordered to stop by the armed INLA men, however, the driver, John Park, thinking that he and the other officer were about to be taken hostage, intended to accelerate through the partially opened gates in a bid to escape. He was prevented from doing so when the gates were automatically shut. The other prison officers stationed at the forecourt gates had spotted the men on the roof, and assuming there was a prison escape in progress, activated the alarm system. The van was ten feet away from the gates when it came to a halt. Neither of the two prison officers inside the van was armed.
While an unarmed Kennaway physically restrained the driver, Glennon, armed with the Derringer, gave cover beside the van as McWilliams opened the side door on the left at the rear, and shouted the words: “Armed INLA volunteers”. With a smile on his face, he then took up a firing stance and aimed his PA63 pistol inside the van at Wright, who was sitting sideways facing the side door beside Norman Green, with Prison Officer Stephen Sterritt seated behind the driver.[91][92] Wright had been in the middle of a conversation, discussing the “cost of Christmas”, with both men.[93] After McWilliams ordered Sterritt to “fuck up and sit in his seat” and Green to get out of the way, the two men instantly dropped to the floor to protect themselves; however, Wright stood up and kicked out at his assailant who began firing at point blank range. Green pleaded with Wright to “get down”, but McWilliams climbed into the van and continued shooting at Wright, hitting him a total of seven times.[68][91][94][95] Wright, despite being shot, continued to defend himself by moving forward, kicking and lashing out at McWilliams.[96] Wright was fatally wounded by the last shot, the bullet having lacerated his aorta. He slumped against the legs of Green. After screaming “they shot Billy”, Green made an attempt to resuscitate Wright, but to no avail; he was brought to the prison hospital, where a doctor pronounced him dead at 10.53 a.m.[97] None of the others inside the van were hurt. Immediately following the shooting attack, the three gunmen returned the way they had come and surrendered to prison guards.[68][95] They handed over a statement:
Billy Wright was executed for one reason and one reason only, and that was for directing and waging his campaign of terror against the nationalist people from his prison cell in Long Kesh [Maze].[68]
Aftermath
Billy Wright is shown lying in an open coffin flanked by masked and armed LVF members
That night, LVF gunmen opened fire on a disco in a mainly nationalist area of Dungannon. Four civilians were wounded and one, a former Provisional IRA member, was killed.[98] Police believed that the disco itself was the intended target.[98]
Four masked and armed LVF men maintained a vigil beside Wright’s body which was displayed in an open coffin prior to his paramilitary funeral which took place in Portadown on 30 December.[99] The LVF ordered all shops in the town to shut as a mark of respect; bus and taxi services were also suspended, and the Union Jack flew at half-mast. The media was kept at a distance. After a private service inside Wright’s Brownstown home, the funeral cortège, led by a lone bagpiper, proceeded to Seagoe Cemetery, two miles away. Thousands of mourners were in attendance as the hearse containing Wright’s coffin moved through the crowded streets, flanked by a guard of honour and preceded by women bearing floral wreaths.[100] The Reverend John Gray of the Free Presbyterian Church officiated at the graveside service. Wright’s friend, the former UDA member Pastor Kenny McClinton, also delivered an oration in which he eulogised Wright as having been “complicated, articulate, and sophisticated”.[1] LVF gunmen fired a volley of shots over his flag-draped coffin.
Wright’s close friend and deputy, Mark “Swinger” Fulton assumed control of the LVF leadership after Wright’s death. The LVF became more closely tied to the Ulster Freedom Fighters (UFF) organisation that was led by Johnny ‘Mad Dog’ Adair. The LVF committed a series of attacks on Catholic civilians, which it termed a “measured military response” in response to Billy Wright’s death.[101] Other loyalist paramilitary groups also sought to avenge his killing. On 19 January 1998 the UDA’s South Belfast Brigade shot dead Catholic taxi driver Larry Brennan outside his company offices in the Lower Ormeau Road.[70] Martin O’Hagan, the Sunday World journalist whom Wright especially disliked, was killed in September 2001 by the Red Hand Defenders, a cover-name used by the UDA and LVF.
On 20 October 1998, Christopher McWilliams, John Glennon, and John Kennaway were convicted of murdering Billy Wright, possession of a firearm and ammunition with intent to endanger life. The three men had pleaded not guilty. Although they were sentenced to life imprisonment, they only served two years of their sentence due to the early release provisions of the Good Friday Agreement.
Inquiry and allegations
The nature of Wright’s killing, within a high security prison, has led to speculation that the authorities colluded with the INLA to have him killed as he was a danger to the emerging peace process. Four days before his death, Wright himself believed that he would shortly be killed within the Maze Prison by agents of the British and Irish governments in collusion with loyalist informers and the INLA.[102] The INLA strongly denied these rumours, and published a detailed account of the assassination in the March/April 1999 issue of The Starry Plough newspaper.[68] Wright’s father, David had campaigned for a public inquiry into his son’s murder and had appealed for help to the Northern Ireland, British and Irish authorities for help in the matter. The murder was investigated by the Cory Collusion Inquiry and it was recommended that the UK Government launch an inquiry into the circumstances of Wright’s death. The Cory Inquiry concluded that “whatever criticism might properly be made regarding the reprehensible life and crimes of Billy Wright, it is apparent that he met his death bravely”, and described his killing as “brutal and cowardly”.[103]
June 2005 saw the Billy Wright inquiry open,[104] chaired by Lord MacLean. Also sitting on the inquiry were academic professor Andrew Coyle from the University of London and the former Bishop of Hereford, the Reverend John Oliver.[105] On 14 September 2010, the findings of the panel were released publicly at Stormont House in Belfast and found that there was no evidence of collusion between the authorities and the INLA.[106] The inquiry, which had cost £30 million,[70][106] did find a number of failings within the security of the prison.[106] There was the main question of how the weapons were successfully smuggled inside the prison to the killers.[91] There was also the issue regarding the decision to house the INLA and LVF in H Block 6, when it was known that they were deadly rivals, neither of which was on ceasefire, and the INLA had vowed to kill Wright given the opportunity.[91][106] McWilliams and Kennaway had been transferred to the Maze from Maghaberry the previous May. One month before their transfer, when Wright had still been at Maghaberry, they had organised an unsuccessful hostage-taking incident at the prison. This was meant to end in the assassination of Wright; he was subsequently moved to the Maze.[91] Other questions were raised after the discovery that on the morning of the killing, Prison Officer Raymond Hill was stood down from his post in the watchtower overlooking A and B wings of H-Block 6 where the INLA prisoners were housed.[91] The CCTV camera placed in the area was also found to have been nonfunctioning for several days prior to the shooting.[91] The visitors lists for 27 December 1997 had been circulated in both the LVF and INLA wings the day before thereby giving Wright’s assassins time to prepare for the killing as the list clearly stated that Wright was scheduled to receive a visit on 27 December.[91] The LVF prison van had been parked outside the INLA wing that morning instead of following the normal procedure which was to park outside the LVF wing.[91] And the gates leading from the forecourt were automatically locked as soon as the killers were spotted on the roof. This had prevented the van from driving off and thus effectively trapped Wright in the rear.[91]
In an interview with The Guardian before his own death, one of the killers, John Kennaway said the security inside the Maze was “a joke”. He claimed the weapons had been smuggled to McWilliams and Glennon inside nappies. He added that as soon as the “screws” [prison officers] had seen the INLA men on A wing’s roof, they assumed the men were staging an escape and sounded the alarm system. The gates were automatically locked-down therefore preventing the van from leaving. Kennaway suggested that had the prison officers not seen them and quickly sounded the alarm, the van could have driven away in time and Wright might have escaped with his life.[107]
Before he was gunned down by the Red Hand Defenders in 2001, journalist Martin O’Hagan revealed to fellow journalist Paul Larkin that a high-ranking RUC officer had told him that Wright had received operational assistance from RUC Special Branch along with the code name “Bertie”. Years earlier, the UVF had conducted its own internal investigation into allegations that Wright was a police informer. UVF sources later spoke to journalists suggesting that Wright had worked for RUC Special Branch, who in turn provided him with alibis, protection, as well as information on suspected republicans. According to an IRA Intelligence officer, Wright had been specifically selected and trained by the Northern Ireland security forces to take over the role as key player in Mid-Ulster from former brigadier and alleged Special Branch agent Robin Jackson.[44] Larkin had made a film in 1996 for BBC’s Spotlight current affairs programme about the activities of Wright and his unit entitled Rat Pack. It was broadcast on 8 October of that year.
Shortly before the findings of the inquiry into Wright’s death were released in September 2010, Ulster Television News broadcast a report regarding the question of collusion. South Belfast UDA brigadier Jackie McDonald explained to Ulster Television’s Live Tonight the UVF’s mindset at the time Wright was threatened with execution by the CLMC in 1996, “It was obvious he [Wright] was doing his own thing and going his own way. I think he had become such an embarrassment to the UVF that they had to send word to him to get out of the country – that’s when the LVF was formed, that’s when the breakaway group appeared.” When asked by the interviewer whether or not the CLMC had actually been prepared to carry out the death threat against Wright McDonald replied, “You have to be prepared to kill people if you tell them to do something and they don’t do it – something of that magnitude. If you say they had to go and they don’t go – the defiance alone, it doesn’t leave many alternatives”. McDonald expressed his personal belief that there had probably been no state collusion in Wright’s death.[70] Equally dismissive of the allegations of collusion, Willie Gallagher of the Republican Socialist Movement offered the suggestion that had the INLA not killed Wright, he would have been released from prison shortly afterwards. Once free, Wright would have continued to conduct and orchestrate his murder campaign against nationalists.[70]
On 30 September 2011, Billy’s father David Wright died in Portadown at the age of 78. After his funeral service at the Killicomain Baptist Church, he was buried, like Billy, in Seagoe Cemetery. Up until his death, he had continued to profess his belief that there had been state collusion in his son’s killing. He denounced the findings of the inquiry released in 2010 as a “total whitewash and a failure to get at the truth”.[108]
Loyalist icon
A memorial to Wright in Eastvale Avenue, Dungannon.
Owing to his uncompromising stance as an upholder of Ulster loyalism and opposition to the peace process, Wright has, since his death, become the most revered loyalist icon and cult figure in the history of the Troubles. His image adorns countless murals in housing estates in Portadown and elsewhere throughout Northern Ireland.[109] However one of the most well-known of these, that on a wall near Portadown F.C.‘s Shamrock Park home ground, was removed in 2006 with a mural of George Best painted in its stead.[110] His picture appears on tee shirts, fridge magnets, key rings, and plates. He is regarded as a martyr and hero by hardline loyalists; many of whom have tattoos bearing his likeness.[32] It is considered to be a status symbol in Portadown for loyalist men and women to display a Billy Wright tattoo on one’s arm, leg, or back. Some of his more ardent devotees even have them on the private parts of their anatomy.[111] His successor Mark “Swinger” Fulton had one tattoed over his heart.[112][113] Most of these tattoos were created by a Bolton-based member of Combat 18, who tattooed many LVF supporters with Wright’s image at houses in Portadown’s loyalists estates whilst visiting for the Twelfth.[114]
Immediately after his death, his grave became a shrine. One teenaged girl in North Belfast set up a shrine to Wright in her bedroom complete with his photographs. She explained to a journalist, “I’m not interested in pop stars. Billy was a real Loyalist hero and I like to go to sleep at night looking at him”.[115] Gunmen at a paramilitary display in Portadown in 2000 told journalists: “He [Wright] did what he had to do to ensure that our faith and culture were kept intact.”[49] Wright was also taken up as an inspiration by Johnny Adair and the UDA West Belfast Brigade. In the immediate aftermath of Wright’s killing Adair told his main gunmen Stephen McKeag and Gary Smyth that they had a free hand to “avenge” Wright’s death, with McKeag almost immediately launching a machine gun attack on a bar in a mainly Catholic area despite the UDA being officially on ceasefire.[116] The West Belfast Brigade would later reference Wright as a true loyalist who had been a victim of the UVF in a leaflet circulated to foment a feud between the UDA and the UVF.[117] Despite this the two men had had a fractured relationship during Wright’s life and according to Adair’s sometime girlfriend Jackie “Legs” Robinson, Adair had told her that Wright was a “bastard” when the UVF leader attended a party at Robinson’s house. Robinson wrote the incident off as jealousy on Adair’s part as Wright was already well established as a leading figure in loyalism by that stage whilst Adair was still making his name.[118]
The Belfast Telegraph newspaper summed up Billy Wright as having been “one of the most fear-inspiring loyalist paramilitaries in Northern Ireland since the Shankill Butchers in the 1970s”.[119] Peter Taylor offered an alternative insight into the reputation of Billy Wright by suggesting that popular myth had laid many killings and atrocities at Wright’s door when there was actually little evidence to back them up
The views and opinions expressed in these pages/documentaries are soley intended to educate and provide background information to those interested in the Troubles of Northern Ireland. They in no way reflect my own opinions and I take no responsibility for any inaccuracies or factual errors.
Key Events & Deaths on this day in Northern Ireland Troubles
Tuesday 31 August 1971
An inquiry into allegations of brutality by the security forces against those interned without trial was announced.
[The report of the inquiry, the Compton Report was published on 16 November 1971.]
A British soldier died one day after being mortally wounded in Belfast.
Friday 31 August 1973
Two members of the Irish Republican Army (IRA) were shot by British Army soldiers in Ballymurphy, Belfast. [One IRA member died on the day and the other died on 22 September 1973.]
Monday 31 August 1981
Hugh Carville, then an Irish Republican Army (IRA) prisoner, joined the hunger strike.
Wednesday 31 August 1988
Sean Dalton and Shelia Lewis, two Catholic civilians were killed by an Irish Republican Army (IRA) booby-trap bomb in the Creggan area of Derry. A third person, Gerard Curran, was injured and died on 31 March 1989. The three had gone to the flat of a neighbour they hadn’t seen for a number of days. Dalton detonated the bomb when he climbed through a window of the flat.
The bomb was intended for members of the security
Wednesday 31 August 1994
IRA Cessation of Military Operations The Irish Republican Army (IRA) issued a statement which announced a complete cessation of military activities: “Recognising the potential of the current situation and in order to enhance the democratic process and underlying our definitive commitment to its success, the leadership of the IRA have decided that as of midnight, August 31, there will be a complete cessation of military operations.
All our units have been instructed accordingly.” Following the announcement a cavalcade of cars covered in Irish flags travelled through Catholic west Belfast in apparent celebration. People also attended a rally that was addressed by Gerry Adams, then President of Sinn Féin (SF).
[The British government reacted with scepticism to the announcement on the basis that the statement did not contain the word ‘permanent’. This was to be a feature of the Conservative government’s approach until it was replaced by a Labour government following the election on 1 May 1997. Unionists were also sceptical. Ian Paisley, then leader of the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP), warned of ‘civil war’.]
Albert Reynolds, then Taoiseach (Irish Prime Minister), said that he accepted the IRA statement as implying a permanent ceasefire. Sean McDermott (37), a Catholic civilian, was abducted and killed by the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF). He was found shot, in his car, off Old Ballynoe Road, near Antrim. Four IRA prisoners were transferred from prisons in England to a prison in Northern Ireland.
Thursday 31 August 1995
Republicans held a number of pickets and vigils across Northern Ireland to mark the first anniversary of the Irish Republican Army (IRA) ceasefire and also to increase the pressure for all-party talks. Gary McMichael, then leader of the Ulster Democratic Party (UDP), said that Loyalist paramilitaries would decommission their arms if the Irish Republican Army (IRA) would do the same.
[On 1 September 1995 an IRA spokesperson was reported as ruling out any decommissioning.]
Thursday 31 August 1995
Republicans held a number of pickets and vigils across Northern Ireland to mark the first anniversary of the Irish Republican Army (IRA) ceasefire and also to increase the pressure for all-party talks. Gary McMichael, then leader of the Ulster Democratic Party (UDP), said that Loyalist paramilitaries would decommission their arms if the Irish Republican Army (IRA) would do the same.
[On 1 September 1995 an IRA spokesperson was reported as ruling out any decommissioning.]
Sunday 31 August 1997
Tony Blair, then British Prime Minister, gave an interview which was published by the Sunday Times. In it he indicated that what was likely to come out of the talks process was a devolved assembly for Northern Ireland together with co-operation between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland. He also said that there would be a referendum on any future agreement. Garry McMichael, then spokesperson for the Ulster Democratic Party (UDP), said that he would recommend that the UDP leave the multi-party talks if Marjorie (Mo) Mowlam, then Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, did not give a “satisfactory definition of consent”. William Ross and William Thompson, then both Ulster Unionist Party (UUP) Members of Parliament (MPs), called on their party leader to withdraw from any further involvement in the “squalid” Stormont talks process.
Tuesday 31 August 1999
Tony Blair, then British Prime Minister, resisted Ulster Unionist Party (UUP) demands for a postponement of the review of the Good Friday Agreement. He made it clear to Mr Trimble that he supported the decision by Marjorie (Mo) Mowlam, then Secretary of State of Northern Ireland, that the IRA ceasefire was still intact. The victims’ group FAIR (Families Acting for Innocent Relatives) called for the collapse of the Good Friday Agreement. The call was made at a conference in Portadown, County Armagh, which was attended by anti-Agreement MPs.
Friday 31 August 2001
Three men from County Louth, Republic of Ireland, were due to appear before Belmarsh Magistrates’ Court in London on charges under Britain’s Terrorism Act (2000). The men had been arrested in Slovakia on 5 July 2001 and were extradited to Britain on 30 August 2001. British Army bomb disposal officers were called to a Catholic school in the Ballysillan area of north Belfast to defuse a pipe-bomb. The 14 member ‘officer board’ of the Ulster Unionist Party (UUP) is expected to hold a meeting to discuss recent political developments and in particular the party’s response to the ‘Patten Report – Updated Implementation Plan 2001’ that was issued on 17 August 2001.
Remembering all innocent victims of the Troubles
Today is the anniversary of the follow people killed as a results of the conflict in Northern Ireland
To the innocent on the list – Your memory will live forever
– To the Paramilitaries –
“There are many things worth living for, a few things worth dying for, but nothing worth killing for.
14 People lost their lives on the 31st of August between 1971 – 1994
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31 August 1971
Clifford Loring, (18) nfNI Status: British Army (BA),
Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Died one day after being shot at British Army (BA) Vehicle Check Point (VCP), Stockman’s Lane, Belfast.
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31 August 1972 Patrick Devenney, (27)
Catholic Status: Civilian (Civ), Killed by: Ulster Defence Association (UDA)
Body found shot in sack, Rugby Road, Belfast.
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31 August 1972
Eamon McMahon, (19)
Catholic Status: Civilian (Civ), Killed by: non-specific Loyalist group (LOY)
Found tied up and beaten to death in River Bann, Portadown, County Armagh
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31 August 1973
Patrick Mulvenna, (19)
Catholic Status: Irish Republican Army (IRA), Killed by: British Army (BA)
Shot during gun battle from concealed British Army (BA) observation post while alighting from car, Ballymurphy Road, Ballymurphy, Belfast.
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31 August 1973
James Bryson, (25)
Catholic Status: Irish Republican Army (IRA), Killed by: British Army (BA)
Shot during gun battle from concealed British Army (BA) observation post while alighting from car, Ballymurphy Road, Ballymurphy, Belfast. He died 22 September 1973.
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31 August 1975 Joseph Reid, (46)
Protestant Status: Ulster Defence Regiment (UDR), Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Off duty. Shot at his farm, Farnaloy, near Keady, County Armagh.
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31 August 1977 William Smith, (28) nfNI Status: British Army (BA),
Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Shot by sniper while on British Army (BA) mobile patrol, outside Girdwood British Army (BA) base, Antrim Road, Belfast.
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31 August 1980
Allen Wallace (49)
Protestant Status: Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC),
Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Off duty reservist. Abducted while driving milk lorry, near Newtownhamilton, County Armagh. Found shot, Trainor’s Bridge, near Newtownhamilton, County Armagh, on 12 September 1980.
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31 August 1985
Martin Vance, (33)
Catholic Status: Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC),
Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Off duty. Shot outside his home, Rocks Chapel Road, Crossgar, County Down.
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31 August 1988 Sean Dalton, (55)
Catholic Status: Civilian (Civ),
Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Killed by booby trap bomb in neighbour’s home, Kildrum Gardens, Creggan, Derry
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31 August 1988 Sheila Lewis, (60)
Catholic Status: Civilian (Civ),
Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Killed by booby trap bomb in neighbour’s home, Kildrum Gardens, Creggan, Derry
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31 August 1988 Gerard Curran, (-9)
Catholic Status: Civilian (Civ),
Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Injured by booby trap bomb in neighbour’s home, Kildrum Gardens, Creggan, Derry. He died 31 March 1989.
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31 August 1991
Francis Crawford, (57)
Catholic Status: Civilian (Civ),
Killed by: Ulster Freedom Fighters (UFF)
Take-away delivery driver. Shot when lured to bogus call, Vicinage Court, near Carlisle Circus, Belfast.
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31 August 1994 Sean McDermott, (37)
Catholic Status: Civilian (Civ),
Killed by: Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF)
Found shot, in his car, off Old Ballynoe Road, near Antrim.
Thinking of Khaled al-Asaad who loved this place and died protecting it from the deluded followers of Islamic State and their twisted , obscene take on Islam. Although to late to save his life and the ancient sites he loved and studied – hopefully he will be looking down from heaven and rejoicing at its recapture and the news that the damage was not as great as first thought.
Rest in peace Khaled – Now with those you loved and studied.
The retaking of Palmyra by the Syrian army ends 10 months of occupation by the so-called Islamic State (IS). It is an important step in the containment and eventual defeat of the jihadist group that has seized swathes of Syria and Iraq.
It may not mean the end for IS, whose heartlands of Raqqa, Deir Ezzor, and Mosul remain safe havens, but it is a step in chipping away at the group’s power base, both geographically and strategically, as well as debasing the myth that the caliphate’s armies are all-conquering and unable to be defeated.
Quite apart from protecting its beauty and historic importance – which IS forces have shown no respect for – reversing the fall of Palmyra is psychologically important.
Al-Asaad was born in Palmyra, Syria, and lived there most of his life.[3] He held a diploma in history and was educated at the University of Damascus.[4] Al-Asaad was the father of eleven children; six sons and five daughters, one of whom was named Zenobia after the well-known Palmyrene queen.[4]
Career
Archeologist
During his career, he engaged in the excavations and restoration of Palmyra. He had become the principal custodian of the Palmyra site for 40 years since 1963.[5] He worked with American, Polish, German, French and Swiss archaeological missions. His achievement is the elevation of Palmyra to a UNESCO World Heritage Site.[4] He was also fluent in Aramaic and regularly translated texts until 2011.[2]
In 2003, he was part of a Syrian-Polish team that uncovered a 3rd-century mosaic which portrayed a struggle between a human and a winged animal. He described it as “one of the most precious discoveries ever made in Palmyra”. In 2001, he announced the discovery of 700 7th-century silver coins bearing images of Kings Khosru I and Khosru II, part of the Sassanid dynasty that ruled Persia before the Muslim conquest.[3][4]
He was a sought-after speaker at conferences, presenting his vigorous and extensive research. Leading academics and researchers spoke warmly of his affection for Palmyra and his mastery of its history.[3] When he retired in 2003, his son Walid took on the mantle of his work at the site of Palmyra. They both were reportedly detained by ISIS in August 2015; the fate of his son is not yet known.[1]
Politics
In 1954 it is believed that he joined the Syrian Ba’ath Party.[4] However, it is not clear whether he was an active supporter of the Syrian government of Bashar al-Assad.[1] According to The Economist, some have said he was a “staunch supporter” of Assad.[6]
Death
In May 2015, Tadmur (the modern city of Palmyra) and the adjacent ancient city of Palmyra came under the control of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS). Al-Asaad helped evacuate the city museum prior to ISIS’s takeover.[4] Al-Asaad was among those captured during this time, and ISIS attempted to get al-Asaad to reveal the location of the ancient artifacts that he had helped to hide.[7] He was murdered in Tadmur on 18 August 2015. The New York Times reported:
After detaining him for weeks, the jihadists dragged him on Tuesday to a public square where a masked swordsman cut off his head in front of a crowd, Mr. Asaad’s relatives said. His blood-soaked body was then suspended with red twine by its wrists from a traffic light, his head resting on the ground between his feet, his glasses still on, according to a photo distributed on social media by Islamic State supporters.[8]
A placard hanging from the waist of his dead body listed al-Asaad’s alleged crimes: being an “apostate,” representing Syria at “infidel conferences,” serving as “the director of idolatry” in Palmyra, visiting “Heretic Iran” and communicating with a brother in the Syrian security services.[8] His body was reportedly displayed in Tadmur and then in the ancient city of Palmyra.[7][8][9][10][11]
In addition to al-Asaad, Qassem Abdullah Yehya, the Deputy Director of the DGAM Laboratories, also protected the Palmyra site. Qassem too was killed by ISIL while on duty on 12 August 2015. He was 37 years old.[12]
Reactions
The Chief of Syrian Antiquities, Maamoun Abdulkarim, condemned al-Asaad’s death, calling him “a scholar who gave such memorable services to the place Palmyra and to history”. He called al-Asaad’s ISIL killers a “bad omen on Palmyra”.[11]
Yasser Tabbaa, a specialist on Islamic art and architecture in Syria and Iraq, said of al-Asaad: “He was a very important authority on possibly the most important archaeological site in Syria.”[8]
UNESCO and its general director Irina Bokova condemned al-Asaad’s murder, saying “They killed him because he would not betray his deep commitment to Palmyra. Here is where he dedicated his life.”[15]
The Aligarh Historians Society has issued a statement expressing hope that the killers would one day be brought to justice. The Society said that “Civilized people, irrespective of country or religion, must unite in their support for all political and military measures designed to achieve this end, especially those being made by the governments of Syria and Iraq.”[16]
Palmyra (/ˌpælˈmaɪrə/; Aramaic: ܬܕܡܘܪܬܐ Tedmurtā ; Arabic: تدمر Tadmor) was an ancient Semitic city in present Homs Governorate, Syria. Archaeological finds date back to the Neolithic, and it was first documented in the early second millennium BC as a caravan stop for travellers crossing the Syrian Desert. The city was noted in the annals of the Assyrian kings, and may have been mentioned in the Hebrew Bible. Palmyra was a part of the Seleucid Empire and prospered after its incorporation into the Roman Empire in the first century.
The city’s wealth enabled the construction of monumental projects. By the third century AD the city was a prosperous metropolis and regional center. Before 273 it enjoyed autonomy for much of its existence. It was attached to the Roman province of Syria and its political organization was influenced by the Greek city-state model during the first two centuries AD. The city was governed by a senate, which was responsible for public works and the military. After becoming a colonia during the third century, Palmyra incorporated Roman governing institutions before adopting a monarchical system in 260. The city received its wealth from trade caravans; the Palmyrenes, renowned merchants, established colonies along the Silk Road and operated throughout the Roman Empire. The Palmyrenes were primarily a mix of Amorites, Arameans and Arabs,[2] with a Jewish minority. The city’s social structure was tribal, and its inhabitants spoke Palmyrene (a dialect of Aramaic); Greek was used for commercial and diplomatic purposes. The culture of Palmyra, influenced by those of the Greco-Roman world and Persia, produced distinctive art and architecture. The city’s inhabitants worshiped local deities and Mesopotamian and Arab gods.
In 260 the Palmyrene king Odaenathus defeated the Persian emperor Shapur I. He fought several battles against the Persians before his assassination in 267. Odaenathus was succeeded by his two young sons under the regency of Queen Zenobia, who rebelled against Rome and began invading its eastern provinces in 270. The Palmyrene rulers adopted imperial titles in 271; the Roman emperor Aurelian defeated the city in 272, destroying it in 273 after a failed second rebellion.
Palmyra was a minor center under the Byzantines, Rashiduns, Ummayads, Abbasids, Mamluks and their vassals. The Palmyrenes converted to Christianity during the fourth century and to Islam in the second half of the first millennium, and the Palmyrene and Greek languages were replaced by Arabic. The city—destroyed by the Timurids in 1400—remained a small village under the Ottomans until 1918, followed by the Syrian kingdom and the French Mandate. In 1929, the French began moving villagers into the new village of Tadmur. The transfer was completed in 1932, with the site abandoned and available for excavations. On 21 May 2015, Palmyra came under the control of the militant group Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL).
Location and etymology
The northern Palmyrene mountain belt
Palmyra is 215 km (134 mi) northeast of the Syrian capital, Damascus,[3] in an oasis surrounded by palms (of which twenty varieties have been reported).[4][5] Two mountain ranges overlook the city; the northern Palmyrene mountain belt from the north and the southern Palmyrene mountains from the southwest.[6] In the south and the east Palmyra is exposed to the Syrian Desert.[6] A small wadi (al-Qubur) crosses the area,[7] flowing from the western hills past the city before disappearing in the eastern gardens of the oasis.[8] South of the wadi is a spring, Efqa.[9]Pliny the Elder described the town in the 70s AD as famous for its desert location, the richness of its soil,[10] and the springs surrounding it, which made agriculture and herding possible.[note 1][10]
“Tadmor” is the Semitic, earliest-attested native name of the city, appearing in the first half of the second millennium BC.[12] The word’s etymology is vague; according to Albert Schultens, it derived from the Semitic word for “dates” (tamar,[note 2][14] referring to the palm trees surrounding the city).[note 3][5]
The name “Palmyra” appeared during the early first century AD in the works of Pliny the Elder,[12][15] and was used throughout the Greco-Roman world.[14] It is generally believed that “Palmyra” derives from “Tadmor” as an alteration (supported by Schultens),[note 4][14] or a translation of “Tadmor” (assuming that it meant palm), and derived from the Greek word for palm “Palame” (supported by Jean Starcky).[5][12]
Michael Patrick O’Connor proposed a Hurrian origin of “Palmyra” and “Tadmor”,[12] citing the inexplicability of alterations to the theorized roots of both names (represented in the addition of -d- to tamar and -ra- to palame).[5] According to this theory, “Tadmor” derives from the Hurrian tad (“to love”) with the addition of the typical Hurrian mid vowel rising (mVr) formantmar.[17] “Palmyra” derives from pal (“to know”) using the same mVr formant (mar).[17] Thirteenth-century Syrian geographer Yaqut al-Hamawi wrote that Tadmor, the daughter of one of Noah’s distant descendants, was buried in the city.[18]
Palmyra entered the historical record during the Bronze Age around 2000 BC, when Puzur-Ishtar the Tadmorean agreed to a contract at an Assyrian trading colony in Kultepe.[21][25] It was mentioned next in the Mari tablets as a stop for trade caravans and nomadic tribes, such as the Suteans.[26] King Shamshi-Adad I of Assyria passed the area on his way to the Mediterranean at the beginning of the 18th century BC;[27] by then, Palmyra was the easternmost point of the kingdom of Qatna.[28] The town was mentioned in a 13th-century BC tablet discovered at Emar, which recorded the names of two “Tadmorean” witnesses.[26] At the beginning of the 11th century BC, King Tiglath-Pileser I of Assyria recorded his defeat of the “Arameans” of “Tadmar”.[26]
The Hebrew Bible (Second Book of Chronicles 8:4) records a city by the name “Tadmor” as a desert city built (or fortified) by King Solomon of Israel;[29] Flavius Josephus mentions the Greek name “Palmyra”, attributing its founding to Solomon in Book VIII of his Antiquities of the Jews.[30] Later Islamic traditions attribute the city’s founding to Solomon’s Jinn.[31] The association of Palmyra with Solomon is a conflation of “Tadmor” and a city built by Solomon in Judea and known as “Tamar” in the Books of Kings (1 Kings 9:18).[32] The biblical description of “Tadmor” and its buildings does not fit archaeological findings in Palmyra, which was a settlement during Solomon’s reign in the 10th century BC.[32]
During the Hellenistic period under the Seleucids (between 312 and 64 BC), Palmyra became a prosperous settlement owing allegiance to the Seleucid king.[32][33] In 217 BC, a Palmyrene force led by a sheikh named Zabdibel joined the army of King Antiochus III in the Battle of Raphia which ended in a Seleucid defeat.[note 5][35] In the middle of the Hellenistic era, Palmyra, formerly south of the al-Qubur wadi, began to expand beyond its northern bank.[36] By the late second century BC, the tower tombs in the Palmyrene Valley of Tombs and the city temples (most notably, the temples of Baalshamin, Al-lāt and the Hellenistic temple) began to be built.[32][35][37]
In 64 BC the Roman Republic annexed the Seleucid kingdom, and the Roman general Pompey established the province of Syria.[35] Palmyra was left independent,[35] trading with Rome and Parthia but belonging to neither.[38] The earliest known Palmyrene inscription is dated to around 44 BC;[39] Palmyra was still a minor sheikhdom, offering water to caravans which occasionally took the desert route on which it was located.[40] However, according to Appian Palmyra was wealthy enough for Mark Antony to send a force to conquer it in 41 BC.[38] The Palmyrenes evacuated to Parthian lands beyond the eastern bank of the Euphrates,[38] which they prepared to defend.[39]
Autonomous Palmyrene region
Main shrine of the Temple of Bel
Palmyra’s theatre
Monumental arch in the eastern section of Palmyra’s colonnade
Palmyra became part of the Roman Empire when it was annexed and paid tribute during Tiberius‘ early reign, around 14 AD.[note 6][35][41] The Romans included Palmyra in the province of Syria,[41] and defined the region’s boundaries; a boundary marker laid by Roman governor Silanus was found 75 kilometres (47 mi) northwest of the city at Khirbet el-Bilaas.[42] A marker at the city’s southwestern border was found at Qasr al-Hayr al-Gharbi,[43] and its eastern border extended to the Euphrates valley.[43] This region included numerous villages subordinate to the center such as Al-Qaryatayn (35 other settlements have been identified by 2012).[44][45][46] The Roman imperial period brought great prosperity to the city, which enjoyed a privileged status under the empire—retaining much of its internal autonomy,[35] being ruled by a council,[47] and incorporating many Greek city-state (polis) institutions into its government.[note 7][48]
The earliest Palmyrene text attesting a Roman presence in the city dates to 18 AD, when the Roman general Germanicus tried to develop a friendly relationship with Parthia; he sent the Palmyrene Alexandros to Mesene, a Parthian vassal kingdom.[note 8][50] This was followed by the arrival of the Roman legion Legio X Fretensis the following year.[note 9][52] Roman authority was minimal during the first century AD, although tax collectors were resident,[53] and a road connecting Palmyra and Sura was built in 75 AD.[note 10][54] The Romans used Palmyrene soldiers,[55] but (unlike typical Roman cities) no local magistrates or prefects are recorded in the city.[54] Palmyra saw intensive construction during the first century, including the city’s first walled fortifications and the Temple of Bel (completed and dedicated in 32 AD).[52][56] During the first century Palmyra developed from a minor desert caravan station into a leading trading center,[note 11][40] with Palmyrene merchants establishing colonies in surrounding trade centers.[50]
Palmyrene trade reached its apex during the second century,[58] aided by two factors; the first was a trade route built by Palmyrenes,[10] and protected by garrisons at major locations, including a garrison in Dura-Europos manned in 117 AD.[59] The second was the Roman annexation of the Nabataean capital Petra in 106,[35] shifting control over southern trade routes of the Arabian Peninsula from the Nabataeans to Palmyra.[note 12][35]
In 129 Palmyra was visited by Hadrian, who named it “Hadriane Palmyra” and made it a free city.[61][62] Hadrian promoted Hellenism throughout the empire,[63] and Palmyra’s urban expansion was modeled on that of Greece.[63] This led to new projects, including the theatre, the colonnade and the temple of Nabu.[63] Roman authority in Palmyra was reinforced in 167, when the cavalry Ala I Thracum Herculiana garrison was moved to the city.[note 13][66]
In the 190s, Palmyra was assigned to the province of Phoenice, newly created by the Severan dynasty.[67] Toward the end of the second century, Palmyra began a steady transition from a traditional Greek city-state to a monarchy;[68] urban development diminished after the city’s building projects peaked.[69] The Severan ascension to the imperial throne in Rome played a major role in Palmyra’s transition:[69]
The Severan-led Roman–Parthian War, from 194 to 217, influenced regional security and affected the city’s trade.[70][73]Bandits began attacking caravans by 199, leading Palmyra to strengthen its military presence.[70] The city devoted more energy to protecting the Roman east than to commerce, and its importance increased.[74]
Palmyrene kingdom and Persian wars
Bust, allegedly of Odenaethus
The rise of the Sasanian Empire in Persia considerably damaged Palmyrene trade.[75] The Sasanians disbanded Palmyrene colonies in their lands,[75] and began a war against the Roman empire.[76] In an inscription dated to 252 Odaenathus appears bearing the title of exarchos (lord) of Palmyra.[77][78] The weakness of the Roman empire and the constant Persian danger were probably the reasons behind the Palmyrene council’s decision to elect a lord for the city in order for him to lead a strengthened army.[79] Odaenathus approached Shapur I of Persia to request him to guarantee Palmyrene interests in Persia, but was rebuffed.[80] In 260 the Emperor Valerian fought Shapur at the Battle of Edessa, but was defeated and captured.[80]
Odaenathus formed an army of Palmyrenes, peasants and the remaining Roman soldiers in the region against Shapur.[80] According to the Augustan History, Odaenathus declared himself king prior to the battle.[81] The Palmyrene leader won a decisive victory near the banks of the Euphrates later in 260 forcing the Persians to retreat.[82] One of Valerian’s officers, Macrianus Major, his sons Quietus and Macrianus, and the prefectBalista then rebelled against Valerian’s son Gallienus, usurping imperial power in Syria.[82] In 261 Odaenathus marched against the remaining usurpers in Syria, defeating and killing Quietus and Balista.[82] As a reward, he received the title Imperator Totius Orientis (“Governor of the East”) from Gallienus,[83] and ruled Syria, Mesopotamia, Arabia and Anatolia‘s eastern regions as the imperial representative.[84][85] In 262 Odaenathus launched a new campaign against Shapur,[86] reclaiming the rest of Roman Mesopotamia (most importantly, the cities of Nisibis and Carrhae), sacking the Jewish city of Nehardea,[note 14][87][88] and besieging the Persian capital Ctesiphon.[89] Following his victory, the Palmyrene monarch assumed the title King of Kings.[note 15][92]
After defeating a Persian army in 263 (or 264), Odaenathus crowned his son Hairan as co-King of Kings near Antioch,[93] then marched and besieged Ctesiphon for the second time (in 264).[89][94] Although he did not take the Persian capital, Odaenathus drove the Persians out of all Roman lands conquered since the beginning of Shapur’s wars in 252.[94] A Persian attack on Palmyra was repelled,[95] and they were defeated by Odaenathus in 266 near Ctesiphon.[82] In 267 Odaenathus, accompanied by Hairan, moved north to repel Gothic attacks on Asia Minor.[82] The king and his son were assassinated during their return;[82] according to the Augustan History and John Zonaras, Odaenathus was killed by a cousin (Zonaras says nephew) named in the History as Maeonius.[96] The Augustan History also says that Maeonius was proclaimed emperor for a brief period before being tried and executed by Odaenathus’ widow, Zenobia.[96][97][98] However, no inscriptions or other evidence exist for Maeonius’ reign and he was probably killed immediately after assassinating Odaenathus.[99][100]
Odaenathus was succeeded by his sons: ten-year-old Vaballathus and the younger Herodianus, who died soon after his father.[101][102] Zenobia, their mother, was the de facto ruler and Vaballathus remained in her shadow while she consolidated her power.[101] Gallienus dispatched his prefect Praetorio Heraclian to command military operations against the Persians, but he was marginalized by Zenobia and returned to the West.[94] The queen was careful not to provoke Rome, claiming for herself and her son the titles held by her husband while guaranteeing the safety of the borders with Persia and pacifying the Tanukhids in Hauran.[101] To protect the borders with Persia, Zenobia fortified different settlements on the Euphrates including the citadels of Halabiye and Zalabiye.[103] Circumstantial evidence exist for confrontations with the Sasanians; probably in 269 Vaballathus took the title Persicus Maximus (“The great victor in Persia”) and the title might be linked with an unrecorded battle against a Persian army trying to regain control of Northern Mesopotamia.[104][105]
Zenobia began her military career in the spring of 270, during the reign of Claudius Gothicus.[106] Under the pretext of attacking the Tanukhids, she annexed Roman Arabia.[106] This was followed in October by an invasion of Egypt,[107][108] ending with a Palmyrene victory and Zenobia’s proclamation as queen of Egypt.[109] Palmyra invaded Anatolia the following year, reaching Ankara and the pinnacle of its expansion.[110]
The conquests were made behind a mask of subordination to Rome.[111] Zenobia issued coins in the name of Claudius’ successor Aurelian, with Vaballathus depicted as king;[note 16][111] since Aurelian was occupied with repelling insurgencies in Europe, he permitted the Palmyrene coinage and conferred the royal titles.[112] In late 271, Vaballathus and his mother assumed the titles of Augustus (emperor) and Augusta.[note 17][111]
The following year, Aurelian crossed the Bosphorus and advanced quickly through Anatolia.[116] According to one account, Roman general Marcus Aurelius Probus regained Egypt from Palmyra;[note 18][117] Aurelian entered Issus and headed to Antioch, where he defeated Zenobia in the Battle of Immae.[118] Zenobia was defeated again at the Battle of Emesa, taking refuge in Homs before quickly returning to her capital.[119] When the Romans besieged Palmyra, Zenobia refused their order to surrender in person to the emperor.[110] She escaped east to ask the Persians for help, but was captured by the Romans; the city capitulated soon afterwards.[120][121]
Later Roman and Byzantine periods
Diocletian’s camp
Aurelian spared the city and stationed a garrison of 600 archers, led by Sandarion, as a peacekeeping force.[122] In 273 Palmyra rebelled under the leadership of Septimius Apsaios,[115] declaring Antiochus (a relative of Zenobia) as Augustus.[123] Aurelian marched against Palmyra, razing it to the ground and seizing the most valuable monuments to decorate his Temple of Sol.[120][124] Palmyrene buildings were smashed, residents massacred and the temple of Bel pillaged.[120]
Palmyra was reduced to a village without territory.[125] Aurelian repaired the temple of Bel, and the Legio I Illyricorum was stationed in the city.[125] Shortly before 303 the Camp of Diocletian, a castra in the western part of the city, was built.[125] The 4-hectare (9.9-acre) camp was a base for the Legio I Illyricorum,[125] which guarded the trade routes around the city.[126]
Palmyra became a Christian city in the decades following its destruction by Aurelian.[127] In late 527, Justinian I ordered its fortification and the restoration of its churches and public buildings to protect the empire against raids by Lakhmid king Al-Mundhir III ibn al-Nu’man.[128]
Arab caliphate
Palmyra was annexed by the Rashidun Caliphate after its 634 capture by the Muslim general Khalid ibn al-Walid, who took the city after an 18-day march by his army through the Syrian Desert from Mesopotamia.[129] By then Palmyra was limited to the Diocletian camp,[130] and became part of Homs Province.[131]
Umayyad and early Abbasid periods
Palmyra experienced a degree of prosperity as part of the Umayyad Caliphate,[132] which used part of the Temple of Bel as a mosque.[133] Palmyra was a key stop on the East-West trade route, with a large souq (market) built by the Ummayads, and the city’s population increased.[132][133] During this period, Palmyra was a stronghold of the Banu Kalb tribe.[134] After being defeated by Marwan II during a civil war in the caliphate, Umayyad contender Sulayman ibn Hisham fled to the Banu Kalb in Palmyra, but eventually pledged allegiance to Marwan in 744; Palmyra continued to oppose Marwan until the surrender of Banu Kalb leader al-Abrash al-Kalbi in 745.[135] That year, Marwan ordered the city’s walls demolished.[130][136]
Abbasid power dwindled during the 10th century, when the empire disintegrated and was divided among a number of vassals.[139] Most of the new rulers acknowledged the caliph as their nominal sovereign, a situation which continued until the Mongol destruction of the Abbasid Caliphate in 1258.[140]
In 955 Sayf al-Dawla, the Hamdanid prince of Aleppo, defeated the nomads near the city,[141] and built a kasbah (fortress) in response to campaigns by the Byzantine emperors Nikephoros II Phokas and John I Tzimiskes.[142] After the early-11th-century Hamdanid collapse, Palmyra was controlled by the successor Mirdasid dynasty.[143] Earthquakes devastated the city in 1068 and 1089.[130][144] The Mirdasids were followed in the second half of the 11th century by Khalaf of the Mala’ib tribe, centered in Homs.[145] Starting in the 1070s Syria came under the Seljuk Empire,[146] whose sultan Malik-Shah I expelled the Mala’ib and imprisoned Khalaf in 1090.[147] Khalaf’s lands were given to Malik-Shah’s brother, Tutush I,[147] who gained his independence after his brother’s 1092 death and established a cadet branch of the Seljuk dynasty in Syria.[148]
Fakhr-al-Din al-Maani Castle
During the early 12th century Palmyra was ruled by Toghtekin, the Buridatabeg of Damascus, who appointed his nephew governor.[149] Toghtekin’s nephew was killed by rebels, and the atabeg retook the city in 1126.[149] Palmyra was given to Toghtekin’s grandson, Shihab-ud-din Mahmud,[149] who was replaced by governor Yusuf ibn Firuz when Shihab-ud-din Mahmud returned to Damascus after his father Taj al-Muluk Buri succeeded Toghtekin.[150] The Burids transformed the Temple of Bel into a citadel in 1132, fortifying the city,[151][152] and transferring it to the Bin Qaraja family three years later in exchange for Homs.[152]
During the mid-12th century, Palmyra was ruled by the Zengid dynasty king Nur ad-Din Mahmud.[153] It became part of the district of Homs,[154] which was given as a fiefdom to the Ayyubid general Shirkuh in 1167 and confiscated after his death in 1169.[155][156] Homs was annexed by the Ayyubid sultanate in 1174;[157] the following year, Saladin gave Homs (including Palmyra) to his cousin Nasir al-Din Muhammad as a fiefdom.[158] After Saladin’s death, the Ayyubid realm was divided and Palmyra was given to Nasir al-Din Muhammad’s son Al-Mujahid Shirkuh II (who built the castle of Palmyra known as Fakhr-al-Din al-Maani Castle around 1230).[159][160] Five years before, Syrian geographer Yaqut al-Hamawi described Palmyra’s residents as living in “a castle surrounded by a stone wall”.[18]
Mamluk period
Palmyra was used as a refuge by Sherkoh II’s grandson, Al-Ashraf Musa, who allied himself with Mongol king Hulagu Khan and fled after the Mongol defeat in the 1260 Battle of Ain Jalut against the Mamluks.[161] Al-Ashraf Musa asked the Mamluk sultan Qutuz for pardon and was accepted as a vassal.[161] Al-Ashraf Musa died in 1263 without a heir bringing the Homs district under direct Mamluk rule.[162]
Al-Fadl principality
Palmyra’s gardens
The Al-Fadl clan (a branch of the Tayy tribe) declared its loyalty to the Mamluks,[163][164] and in 1284 prince Muhanna bin Issa of the Al-Fadl was appointed lord of Palmyra by sultan Qalawun.[163] He was imprisoned by sultan Al-Ashraf Khalil in 1293, and restored two years later by sultan Al-Adil Kitbugha.[163] Muhanna declared his loyalty to Öljaitü of the Ilkhanate in 1312 and was dismissed and replaced with his brother Fadl by sultan Al-Nasir Muhammad.[163] Although Muhanna was forgiven by Al-Nasir and restored in 1317, he and his tribe were expelled in 1320 for his continued relations with the Ilkhanate and he was replaced by tribal chief Muhammad ibn Abi Bakr.[163][165]
Muhanna was forgiven and restored by Al-Nasir in 1330; he remained loyal to the sultan until his death three years later, when he was succeeded by his son.[166] Contemporary historian Ibn Fadlallah al-Omari described the city as having “vast gardens, flourishing trades and bizarre monuments”.[167] The Fadl family protected the trade routes and villages from Bedouin raids,[168] raiding other cities and fighting among themselves.[166] The Mamluks intervened militarily several times, dismissing, imprisoning or expelling its leaders.[166] In 1400 Palmyra was attacked by Timur,[169] who took 200,000 sheep and destroyed the city.[170][171] The Fadl prince Nu’air escaped the battle against Timur and later fought Jakam, the sultan of Aleppo.[172] Nu’air was captured, taken to Aleppo and executed in 1406; this, according to Ibn Hajar Al-Asqalani, ended the Fadl family’s power.[172]
Ottoman and later periods
The village, within the temple of Bel, during the early 20th century
Syria became part of the Ottoman Empire in 1516,[173] and Palmyra was incorporated into Damascus Eyalet as the center of an administrative district (Sanjak).[note 19][174] During the Ottoman era, Palmyra was a small village in the courtyard of the temple of Bel.[175] After 1568 the Ottomans appointed the Lebanese prince Ali bin Musa Harfush as governor of Palmyra’s sanjak,[176] dismissing him in 1584 for treason.[177]
In 1630 Palmyra came under the authority of another Lebanese prince, Fakhr-al-Din II,[178] who renovated Sherkoh II’s castle (which became known as Fakhr-al-Din al-Maani Castle).[160][179] The prince fell from grace with the Ottomans in 1633 and lost control of the village,[178] which remained a separate sanjak until it was absorbed by Zor Sanjak in 1857.[180] The village became home to an Ottoman garrison to control the Bedouin in 1867.[181]
Palmyra regained some of its importance at the beginning of the 20th century as a station for caravans, and its revival was aided by the advent of motorized transport.[175] In 1918, as World War I was ending, the Royal Air Force built an airfield for two planes,[note 20][182][183] and in November the Ottomans retreated from Zor Sanjak without a fight.[note 21][184] The Syrian Emirate‘s army entered Deir ez-Zor on 4 December, and Zor Sanjak became part of Syria.[185] In 1919, as the British and French argued over the borders of the planned mandates,[182] British permanent military representative to the Supreme War CouncilHenry Wilson suggested adding Palmyra to the British mandate.[182] However, British general Edmund Allenby persuaded his government to abandon this plan.[182] Syria (including Palmyra) became part of the French Mandate after Syria’s defeat in the Battle of Maysalun in 24 July 1920.[186]
As Palmyra gained importance to French efforts to pacify the Syrian Desert, a base was constructed in the village near the temple of Bel in 1921.[187] In 1929 the general director of antiquities in Syria, Henri Arnold Seyrig, began excavating the ruins and convinced the villagers to move to a new, French-built village next to the site.[188] The relocation was completed in 1932;[189] ancient Palmyra was ready for excavation as its villagers settled into the new village of Tadmur.[45][188]
The Lion of Al-lāt (first century AD), which stood at the entrance of the temple of Al-lāt
As a result of the Syrian Civil War, Palmyra experienced widespread looting and damage by combatants.[190] During the summer of 2012, concerns about looting in the museum and the site increased when an amateur video of Syrian soldiers carrying funerary stones was posted.[191] However, according to France 24‘s report, “From the information gathered, it is impossible to determine whether pillaging was taking place.”[191] The following year the facade of the temple of Bel sustained a large hole from mortar fire, and colonnade columns have been damaged by shrapnel.[190] According to Maamoun Abdulkarim, director of antiquities and museums at the Syrian Ministry of Culture, the Syrian Army positioned its troops in some archaeological-site areas,[190] while Syrian opposition soldiers stationed themselves in gardens around the city.[190]
On 13 May 2015, ISIL launched an attack on the modern town of Tadmur, sparking fears that the iconoclastic group would destroy the adjacent ancient site Palmyra.[192] On 21 May 2015, some artifacts were removed from the Palmyra museum by the Syrian curators and transported in 2 trucks to Damascus. A number of Greco-Roman busts, jewelry, and other objects looted from the Palmyra museum have been found on the international market.[193] The same day, ISIL forces entered the World Heritage Site.[194] According to eyewitnesses, on 23 May the militants destroyed the lion of Al-lāt and other statues.[195] Local residents reported that the Syrian air force bombed the site on 13 June, damaging the northern wall close to the Temple of Baalshamin.[196]
Since at least 27 May 2015, Palmyra’s theatre was used as a place of public executions of ISIL opponents. A video released by ISIL shows the killing of 20 prisoners at the hands of teenaged male executioners, watched by hundreds of men and boys.[197] On 18 August 2015, Palmyra’s retired antiquities chief Khaled al-Asaad was beheaded by ISIL after being tortured for a month to get information about the city and its treasures; al-Asaad refused to give any information to his captors.[198] The militant group destroyed the temple of Baalshamin on 23 August 2015 according to Abdulkarim and activists while the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights claimed that the destruction took place one month earlier.[199][200]
At its height during the reign of Zenobia, Palmyra had more than 200,000 residents.[201] Its earliest known inhabitants were the Amorites in the early second millennium BC,[202] and by the end of the millennium Arameans were mentioned as inhabitanting the area.[203][204]Arabs arrived in the city in the late first millennium BC; Zabdibel’s soldiers, who aided the Seleucids in the battle of Raphia (217 BC), were described as Arabs.[35] The newcomers were assimilated by the earlier inhabitants, spoke their language,[39] and formed a significant segment of the aristocracy.[205][206] The city also had a Jewish community; inscriptions in Palmyrene from the necropolis of Beit She’arim in Lower Galilee confirm the burial of Palmyrene Jews.[207]
During the Umayyad period Palmyra was mainly inhabited by the Kalb tribe.[175]Benjamin of Tudela recorded the existence of 2,000 Jews in the city during the twelfth century,[208] but after the invasion by Timur it was a small village until the relocation in 1932.[189][209][210]
Alphabetic inscription in Palmyrene alphabet
Before 274 AD, Palmyrenes spoke a dialect of Aramaic and used the Palmyrene alphabet.[note 22][212][213] The use of Latin was minimal, but Greek was used by wealthier members of society for commercial and diplomatic purposes,[2] and it became the dominant language during the Byzantine era.[24] After the Arab conquest Greek was replaced by Arabic,[24] from which a Palmyrene dialect evolved.[214]
Palmyra’s society before 273 was a mixture of the different peoples inhabiting the city,[26][215] which is seen in Aramaic, Arabic and Amorite clan names.[note 23][216][217] Palmyra was a tribal community but due to the lack of sources, an understanding of the nature of Palmyrene tribes structure building or maintaining is not possible.[218] Thirty clans have been documented;[219] five of which were identified as tribes (Phyle (φυλή)) comprising several sub-clans.[note 24][220] By the time of Nero Palmyra had four tribes, each residing in an area of the city bearing its name.[221] Three of the tribes were the Komare, Mattabol and Ma’zin; the fourth tribe is uncertain, but was probably the Mita.[221][222] In time, the four tribes became highly civic and tribal lines blurred;[note 25][221] by the second century clan identity lost its importance, and it disappeared during the third century.[note 26][221] Palmyra declined, and was a village of 6,000 inhabitants at the beginning of the 20th century; although surrounded by Bedouin, the villagers preserved their dialect,[214] and maintained the life of a small settlement.[130]
Culture
Loculi (burial chambers)
Palmyra had a distinctive culture,[224] based on a local Semitic tradition,[225] and influenced by Greece and Rome.[note 27][227] The extent of Greek influence on Palmyra’s culture is debated;[228] according to traditional scholarship, the Palmyrenes’ Greek practices were a superficial layer over a local essence.[229] Palmyra’s senate was an example; although Palmyrene texts written in Greek described it as a “boule” (a Greek institution), the senate was a gathering of non-elected tribal elders (a Near-Eastern assembly tradition).[230] Some scholars, such as Fergus Millar, view Palmyra’s culture as a fusion of local and Greco-Roman traditions.[231]
The culture of Persia influenced Palmyrene military tactics, dress and court ceremonies.[232] Palmyra had no large libraries or publishing facilities, and it lacked an intellectual movement characteristic of other Eastern cities such as Edessa or Antioch.[233] Although Zenobia opened her court to academics, the only notable scholar documented was Cassius Longinus.[233]
Interior of Elahbel tomb
Palmyra had a large agora.[note 28] However, unlike the Greek Agoras (public gathering places shared with public buildings), Palmyra’s agora resembled an Eastern caravanserai more than a hub of public life.[235][236] The Palmyrenes buried their dead in elaborate family mausoleums,[237] most with interior walls forming rows of burial chambers (loculi) in which the dead, laying at full length, were placed.[238][239] A relief of the person interred formed part of the wall’s decoration, acting as a headstone.[239]Sarcophagi appeared in the late second century and were used in some of the tombs.[240] Many burial monuments contained fully dressed, bejeweled mummies,[241]embalmed in a method similar to that used in Ancient Egypt.[242]
Art and architecture
Although Palmyrene art was related to that of Greece, it had a distinctive style unique to the middle-Euphrates region.[243] Palmyrene art is well represented by the bust reliefs which seal the openings of its burial chambers.[243] The reliefs emphasized clothing, jewelry and a frontal representation of the person depicted,[243][244] characteristics which can be seen as a forerunner of Byzantine art.[243] According to Michael Rostovtzeff, Palmyra’s art was influenced by the Parthian art.[245] However, the origin of frontality that characterized Palmyrene and Parthian arts is a controversial issue; while Parthian origin has been suggested (by Daniel Schlumberger),[246]Michael Avi-Yonah contends that it was a local Syrian tradition that influenced Parthian art.[247] Little painting, and none of the bronze statues of prominent citizens (which stood on brackets on the main columns of the Great Colonnade), have survived.[248] A damaged frieze and other sculptures from the Temple of Bel, many removed to museums in Syria and abroad, suggest the city’s public monumental sculpture.[248]
Many surviving funerary busts reached Western museums during the 19th century.[249] Palmyra provided the most convenient Eastern examples bolstering an art-history controversy at the turn of the 20th century: to what extent Eastern influence on Roman art replaced idealized classicism with frontal, hieratic and simplified figures (as believed by Josef Strzygowski and others).[248][250] This transition is seen as a response to cultural changes in the Western Roman Empire, rather than artistic influence from the East.[248] Palmyrene bust reliefs, unlike Roman sculptures, are rudimentary portraits; although many have a “striking individual quality”, their details vary little across figures of similar age and gender.[248]
Like its art, Palmyra’s architecture was influenced by the Greco-Roman style,[251] while preserving local elements (best seen in the Temple of Bel).[252] Enclosed by a massive wall flanked with traditional Roman columns,[252][253] Bel’s sanctuary plan was primarily Semitic.[252] Similar to the Second Temple, the sanctuary consisted of a large courtyard with the deity’s main shrine off-center against its entrance (a plan preserving elements of the temples of Ebla and Ugarit).[252][254]
Government
Inscription in Greek and Aramaic honoring the strategos Julius Aurelius Zenobius
From the beginning of its history to the first century AD Palmyra was a petty sheikhdom,[255] and by the first century BC a Palmyrene identity began to develop.[256] During the first half of the first century AD, Palmyra incorporated some institutions of a Greek city (polis);[48] the concept of citizenship (demos) appears in an inscription, dated to 10 AD, describing the Palmyrenes as a community.[257] In 74 AD, an inscription mentions the city’s boule (senate).[48] The tribal role in Palmyra is debated; during the first century, four treasurers representing the four tribes seems to have partially controlled the administration but their role became ceremonial by the second century and power rested in the hands of the council.[258]
The Palmyrene council consisted of about six hundred members of the local elite (such as the elders or heads of wealthy families or clans),[note 29][47] representing the city’s four quarters.[222] The council, headed by a president,[259] managed civic responsibilities;[47] it supervised public works (including the construction of public buildings), approved expenditures, collected taxes,[47] and appointed two archons (lords) each year.[259][260] Palmyra’s military was led by strategoi (generals) appointed by the council.[261][262] Roman provincial authority set and approved Palmyra’s tariff structure,[263] but the provincial interference in local government was kept minimal as the empire sought to ensure the continuous success of Palmyrene trade most beneficial to Rome.[264] An imposition of direct provincial administration would have jeopardized Palmyra’s ability to conduct its trading activities in the East, specially in Parthia.[264]
With the elevation of Palmyra to a colonia around 213-216, the city ceased being subject to Roman provincial governors and taxes.[265] Palmyra incorporated Roman institutions into its system while keeping many of its former ones.[266] The council remained, and the strategos designated one of two annually-elected magistrates.[266] This duumviri implemented the new colonial constitution,[266] replacing the archons.[260] Palmyra’s political scene changed with the rise of Odaenathus family; an inscription dated to 251 describe Odaenathus’ son Hairan as “Ras” (lord) of Palmyra (exarch in the Greek section of the inscription) and another inscription dated to 252 describe Odaenathus with the same title.[note 30][77] Odaenathus was probably elected by the council as exarch,[79] which was an unusual title in the Roman empire and was not part of the traditional Palmyrene governance institutions.[77][267] Whether Odaenathus’ title indicated a military or a priestly position is unknown,[268] but the military role is more likely.[269] By 257 Odaenathus was known as a consularis, possibly the legatus of the province of Phoenice.[268] In 258 Odaenathus began extending his political influence, taking advantage of regional instability caused by Sasanian aggression;[268] this culminated in the Battle of Edessa,[80] Odaenathus’ royal elevation and mobilization of troops, which made Palmyra a kingdom.[80]
The monarchy maintained the council and most civic institutions,[268][270] permitting the election of magistrates until 264.[260] In the absence of the monarch, the city was administered by a viceroy.[271] Although governors of the eastern Roman provinces under Odaenathus’ control were still appointed by Rome, the king had overall authority.[272] During Zenobia’s rebellion, governors were appointed by the queen.[273]
Not all Palmyrenes accepted the dominion of the royal family; a senator, Septimius Haddudan, appears in a later Palmyrene inscription as aiding Aurelian’s armies during the 273 rebellion.[274][275] After the Roman destruction of the city, Palmyra was ruled directly by Rome,[276] and its following states (including the Burids and Ayyubids),[149][277] or by subordinate Bedouin chiefs—primarily the Fadl family, who governed for the Mamluks.[278]
Military
Relief in the Temple of Bel depicting Palmyrene war gods
Due to its military character and efficiency in battle, Irfan Shahîd described Palmyra as the “Sparta among the cities of the Orient”; even Palmyrene gods were depicted in full military uniforms.[279] Palmyra’s army protected the city and its economy, helping extend Palmyrene authority beyond the city walls and protecting the countryside’s desert trade routes.[280] The city had a substantial military;[43] Zabdibel commanded a force of 10,000 in the third century BC,[35] and Zenobia led an army of 70,000 in the Battle of Emesa.[281] Soldiers were recruited from the city and its territories, spanning several thousand square kilometers from the outskirts of Homs to the Euphrates valley.[43] Non-Palmyrene soldiers were also recruited; a Nabatean cavalryman is recorded in 132 as serving in a Palmyrene unit stationed at Anah.[281] Palmyra’s recruiting system is unknown; the city might have selected and equipped the troops and the strategoi led, trained and disciplined them.[282]
The strategoi were appointed by the council with the approval of Rome.[262] The royal army was under the leadership of the monarch aided by generals,[283][284] and was modeled on the Sasanians in arms and tactics.[232] The Palmyrenes were noted archers.[285] They used infantry while a heavily armored cavalry (clibanarii) constituted the main attacking force.[note 31][287][288] Palmyra’s infantry was armed with swords, lances and small round shields;[55] the clibanarii were fully armored (including their horses), and used heavy spears (kontos) 3.65 metres (12.0 ft) long without shields.[288][289]
Dropped the “King of Kings” title in 270, replacing it with the Latinrex (king) and declared emperor in 271.[111] Reigned under the regency of his mother, Zenobia.[296]
Right to left: Bel, Yarhibol, Aglibol and Baalshamin
Baalshamin (center), Aglibol (right) and Malakbel (left)
Palmyra’s gods were primarily part of the northwestern Semiticpantheon, with the addition of gods from the Mesopotamian and Arab pantheons.[304] The city’s chief pre-Hellenistic deity was called Bol,[305] an abbreviation of Baal (a northwestern Semitic honorific).[306] The Babylonian cult of Bel-Marduk influenced the Palmyrene religion and by 217 BC the chief deity’s name was changed to Bel.[305] This did not indicate the replacing of the northwestern Semitic Bol with a Mesopotamian deity, but was a mere change in the name.[306]
The deities worshiped in the countryside were depicted as camel or horse riders and bore Arab names.[45] The nature of those deities is left to theory as only names are known, most importantly Abgal.[313] The Palmyrene pantheon included ginnaye (some were given the designation “Gad”),[314] a group of lesser deities popular in the countryside,[315] who were similar to the Arab jinn and the Roman genius.[316] Ginnaye were believed to have the appearance and behavior of humans, similar to Arab jinn.[316] Unlike jinn, however, the ginnaye could not possess or injure humans.[316] Their role was similar to the Roman genius: tutelary deities who guarded individuals and their caravans, cattle and villages.[307][316]
Although the Palmyrenes worshiped their deities as individuals, some were associated with other gods.[317] Bel had Astarte-Belti as his consort, and formed a triple deity with Aglibol and Yarhibol (who became a sun god in his association with Bel).[310][318] Malakbel was part of many associations,[317] pairing with Gad Taimi and Aglibol,[319][319] and forming a triple deity with Baalshamin and Aglibol.[320] Palmyra hosted an Akitu (spring festival) each Nisan.[321] Each of the city’s four quarters had a sanctuary for a deity considered ancestral to the resident tribe; Malakbel and Aglibol’s sanctuary was in the Komare quarter.[322] The Baalshamin sanctuary was in the Ma’zin quarter, the Arsu sanctuary in the Mattabol quarter,[322] and the Atargatis sanctuary in the fourth tribe’s quarter.[note 33][320]
Palmyra’s paganism was replaced with Christianity as the religion spread across the Roman Empire, and a bishop was reported in the city by 325.[127] Although most temples became churches, the temple of Al-lāt was destroyed in 385 at the order of Maternus Cynegius (the eastern praetorian prefect).[127] After the Arab conquest in 634 Islam gradually replaced Christianity, and the last known bishop of Palmyra was consecrated in 818.[323]
Economy
Palmyra’s Agora; the two front entrances lead to the interior, the city’s marketplace
Palmyra’s economy before and at the beginning of the Roman period was based on agriculture, pastoralism, trade,[10] and serving as a rest station for the caravans which sporadically crossed the desert.[40] By the end of the first century BC, the city had a mixed economy based on agriculture, pastoralism,[324] taxation,[325] and, most importantly, the caravan trade.[326]
Taxation was an important source of revenue for Palmyra.[325] Caravaneers paid taxes in a building known as the Tariff Court,[219] where a tax law dating to 137 was discovered in 1881 by Armenian prince Abamelek Lazarew who was visiting the ruins.[327][328] The law regulated the tariffs paid by the merchants for goods sold at the internal market or exported from the city.[note 34][219][330] Most land was owned by the city, which collected grazing taxes.[324] The oasis had about 1,000 hectares (2,500 acres) of irrigable land,[331] surrounded by the countryside.[332] The Palmyrenes constructed an extensive irrigation system in the northern mountains that consisted of reservoirs and channels to capture and store the occasional rainfall.[46] The countryside was intensively planted with olive, fig, pistachio and barley.[46] However, agriculture could not support the population and food was imported.[332]
After Palmyra’s destruction in 273, it became a market for villagers and nomads from the surrounding area.[333] The city regained some of its prosperity during the Ummayad era, indicated by the discovery of a large Ummayad souq in the colonnade street.[334] Palmyra was a minor trading center until the Timurid destruction,[167][171] which reduced it to a settlement on the desert border whose inhabitants herded and cultivated small plots for vegetables and corn.[335]
Commerce
The Silk Road
Palmyra’s main trade route ran east to the Euphrates, where it connected to the Silk Road.[336] The route then ran south along the river toward the port of Charax Spasinu on the Persian Gulf, where Palmyrene ships traveled back and forth to India.[337] Goods were imported from India, China and Transoxiana,[338] and exported west to Emesa (or Antioch) then the Mediterranean ports,[339] from which they were distributed throughout the Roman Empire.[337] In addition to the usual route some Palmyrene merchants used the Red Sea,[338] probably as a result of the Roman–Parthian Wars.[340] Goods were carried overland from the seaports to a Nile port, and then taken to the Egyptian Mediterranean ports for export.[340] Inscriptions attesting a Palmyrene presence in Egypt date to the reign of Hadrian.[341]
Since Palmyra was not on the Silk Road (which followed the Euphrates),[10] the Palmyrenes secured the desert route passing their city.[10] They connected it to the Euphrates valley, providing water and shelter.[10] The Palmyrene route was used almost exclusively by the city’s merchants,[10] who maintained a presence in many cities, including Dura-Europos in 33 BC,[57]Babylon by 19 AD, Seleucia by 24 AD,[50]Dendera, Coptos,[342]Bahrain, the Indus River Delta, Merv and Rome.[343]
The caravan trade depended on patrons and merchants.[344] Patrons owned the land on which the caravan animals were raised, providing animals and guards for the merchants.[344] The lands were located in the numerous villages of the Palmyrene countryside.[45] Although merchants used the patrons to conduct business, their roles often overlapped and a patron would sometimes lead a caravan.[344] Commerce made Palmyra and its merchants among the wealthiest in the region.[326] Some caravans were financed by a single merchant,[219] such as Male’ Agrippa (who financed Hadrian’s visit in 129 and the 139 rebuilding of the temple of Bel).[61] The primary income-generating trade good was silk, which was exported from the East to the West.[345] Other exported goods included jade, muslin, spices, ebony, ivory and precious stones.[343] For its domestic market Palmyra imported slaves, prostitutes, olive oil, dyed goods, myrrh and perfume.[329][343]
Site
City layout
Valley of Tombs
Underground tomb
Palmyra began as a small settlement near the Efqa spring on the southern bank of Wadi al-Qubur.[346] The settlement, known as the Hellenistic settlement, had residences expanding to the wadi’s northern bank during the first century.[8] Although the city’s walls originally enclosed an extensive area on both banks of the wadi, the walls rebuilt during Diocletian’s reign surrounded only the northern-bank section.[8]
Most of the city’s monumental projects were built on the wadi’s northern bank.[347] Among them is the temple of Bel, on a tell which was the site of an earlier temple (known as the Hellenistic temple).[37] However, excavation supports the theory that the temple was originally located on the southern bank; the wadi’s bed was diverted to incorporate the temple into Palmyra’s new urban organization, which began with its prosperity during the late first and early second centuries.[36]
Palmyra’s landmarks
Also north of the wadi was the Great Colonnade, Palmyra’s 1.1-kilometre-long (0.68 mi) main street,[348] which extended from the temple of Bel in the east,[349] to the Funerary Temple no.86 in the city’s western part.[350][351] It has a monumental arch in its eastern section,[352] and a tetrapylon stands in the center.[353]
The Baths of Diocletian, built on the ruins of an earlier building which might have been the royal palace,[216] were on the left side of the colonnade.[354] Nearby were the temple of Baalshamin,[355] residences,[356] and the Byzantine churches, which include a 1,500-year-old church (Palmyra’s fourth, and believed to be the largest ever discovered in Syria).[3] The church columns were estimated to be 6 metres (20 ft) tall, and its base measured 12 by 24 metres (39 by 79 ft).[3] A small amphitheatre was found in the church’s courtyard.[3]
The temple of Nabu and the Roman theater were built on the colonnade’s southern side.[357] Behind the theater were a small senate building and the large Agora, with the remains of a triclinium (banquet room) and the Tariff Court.[358] A cross street at the western end of the colonnade leads to the Camp of Diocletian,[348][359] built by Sosianus Hierocles (the Roman governor of Syria).[360] Nearby are the temple of Al-lāt and the Damascus Gate.[361]
West of the ancient walls the Palmyrenes built a number of large-scale funerary monuments which now form the Valley of Tombs,[362] a 1-kilometre-long (0.62 mi) necropolis.[363] The more than 50 monuments were primarily tower-shaped and up to four stories high.[364] Towers were replaced by funerary temples as above ground tombs after 128, which is the date of the most recent tower.[350] The city had other cemeteries in the north, southwest and southeast, where the tombs are primarily hypogea (underground).[365][366]
The senate building is largely ruined.[358] It is a small building that consists of a peristyle courtyard and a chamber that has an apse at one end and rows of seats around it.[219]
Much of the Baths of Diocletian are ruined and do not survive above the level of the foundations.[367] The complex’s entrance is marked by four massive Egyptian granite columns each 1.3 metres (4 ft 3 in) in diameter, 12.5 metres (41 ft) high and weigh 20 tonnes.[358] Inside, the outline of a bathing pool surrounded by a colonnade of Corinthian columns is still visible in addition to an octagonal room that served as a dressing room containing a drain in its center.[358]
The Agora of Palmyra was built c. 193.[368] It is a massive 71 by 84 metres (233 by 276 ft) structure with 11 entrances.[358] Inside the agora, 200 columnar bases that used to hold statues of prominent citizens were found.[358] The inscriptions on the bases allowed an understanding of the order by which the statues were grouped; the eastern side was reserved for senators, the northern side for Palmyrene officials, the western side for soldiers and the southern side for caravan chiefs.[358]
The Tariff Court is a large rectangular enclosure south of the agora and sharing its northern wall with it.[369] Originally, the entrance of the court was a massive vestibule in its southwestern wall.[369] However, the entrance was blocked by the construction of a defensive wall and the court was entered through three doors from the Agora.[369] The court gained its name by containing a 5 meters long stone slab that had the Palmyrene tax law inscribed on it.[370]
The Triclinium of the Agora is located to the northwestern corner of the Agora and can host up to 40 person.[371][372] It is a small 12 by 15 metres (39 by 49 ft) hall decorated with Greek key motifs that run in a continuous line halfway up the wall.[373] The building was probably used by the rulers of the city;[371] Seyrig proposed that it was a small temple before being turned into a banqueting hall.[372]
The temple of Nabu is largely ruined.[374] The temple was Eastern in its plan; the outer enclosure’s propylaea led to a 20 by 9 metres (66 by 30 ft) podium through a portico of which the bases of the columns survives.[375] The peristyle cella opened onto an outdoor altar.[375]
The temple of Al-lāt is largely ruined with only a podium, few columns and the door frame remaining.[376] Inside the compound, a giant lion relief (Lion of Al-lāt) was excavated and in its original form, was a relief protruding from the temple compound’s wall.[377][378]
The ruined temple of Baal-hamon is located on the top of Jabal al-Muntar hill which oversees the spring of Efqa.[379] Constructed in 89 AD, it consists of a cella and a vestibule with two columns.[379] The temple had a defensive tower attached to it;[380] a tessera depicting the sanctuary was excavated and it reveled that both the cella and the vestibule were decorated with merlons.[380]
The Funerary Temple no.86 (also known as the House Tomb) is located at the western end of the Great Colonnade.[350][381] It was built in the third century and has a portico of six columns and vine patterns carvings.[382][383] Inside the chamber, steps leads down to a vault crypt.[383] The shrine might have been connected to the royal family being the only tomb inside the city’s walls.[382]
The Tetrapylon was erected during the renovations of Diocletian at the end of the third century.[130] It is a square platform and each corner contains a grouping of four columns.[357] Each column group supports a 150 tons cornice and contains a pedestal in its center that originally carried a statue.[357] Out of sixteen columns, only one is original while the rest are concrete reconstruction carried out in 1963 by the Syrian Directorate-General of Antiquities.[383] The original columns were brought from Egypt and carved out of pink granite.[357]
The city’s current walls were erected during the reign of Diocletian whose fortification of the city enclosed a much smaller area than the original pre-273 city.[384] The Diocletianic walls had protective towers and fortified gateways.[384]
The pre-273 walls were narrow and while encircling the whole city, they do not seem to have provided real protection against an invasion.[384] No signs of towers or fortified gates exist and it can not be proven that the walls enclosed the city as many gaps appears to have never been defended.[384] Those walls seems to have been a tool to protect the city against Bedouins and to provide a costume barrier.[384]
Palmyra’s first excavations were conducted in 1902 by Otto Puchstein and in 1917 by Theodor Wiegand.[189] In 1929, French general director of antiquities of Syria and Lebanon Henri Arnold Seyrig began large-scale excavation of the site;[189] interrupted by World War II, it resumed soon after the war’s end.[189] Seyrig started with the Temple of Bel in 1929 and between 1939 and 1940 he excavated the Agora.[45]Daniel Schlumberger conducted excavations in the Palmyrene northwest countryside in 1934 and 1935 where he studied different local sanctuaries in the Palmyrene villages.[45] From 1954 to 1956, a Swiss expedition organized by UNESCO excavated the temple of Baalshamin.[189] Since 1958, the site has been excavated by the Syrian Directorate-General of Antiquities,[188] and Polish expeditions led by many archaeologists including Kazimierz Michałowski (until 1980) and Michael Gawlikowski (until 2011).[189][386]
The Polish expedition concentrated its work in the Camp of Diocletian while the Syrian Directorate-General of Antiquities excavated the temple of Nabu.[45] Most of the hypogea were excavated jointly by the Polish expedition and the Syrian Directorate,[387] while the area of Efqa was excavated by Jean Starcky and Jafar al-Hassani.[356] The temple of Baal-hamon was discovered by Robert du Mesnil du Buisson in the 1970s.[379] The Palmyrene irrigation system was discovered in 2008 by Jørgen Christian Meyer who researched the Palmyrene countryside through ground inspections and satellite images.[46] Most of Palmyra still remains unexplored especially the residential quarters in the north and south while the necropolis has been thoroughly excavated by the Directorate and the Polish expedition.[356] Excavation expeditions departed Palmyra in 2011 due to the Syrian Civil War.[46]
In 1980, the historic site including the necropolis outside the walls was declared a World Heritage Site by the UNESCO.[388] In November 2010 Austrian media manager Helmut Thoma admitted looting a Palmyrene grave in 1980, stealing architectural pieces for his home;[389] German and Austrian archaeologists protested the theft.[390]
Key Events & Deaths on this day in Northern Ireland Troubles
Saturday 30 August 1975
Two Catholic civilians died as a result of injuries received during a gun and bomb attack on the Harp Bar, Hill Street, Belfast. The attack was carried out by the Ulster Freedom Fighters (UFF), a cover name used by the Ulster Defence Association
(UDA). Stephen Geddis (10) a Catholic boy died two days after being hit by a rubber bullet fired by a British soldier. An off-duty member of the Ulster Defence Regiment (UDR) was shot dead by the Irish Republican Army (IRA) near Whitecross, County Armagh. The Irish Republican Army (IRA) planted a time bomb in High Holborn, London. No one was injured in the explosion.
Tuesday 30 August 1977
Jimmy Carter, then President of the USA, gave a keynote speech on Northern Ireland. In the speech he said that the American government would support any initiative that led to a form of government in Northern Ireland which had the support of both sections of the community. In particular the support would take the form of trying to create additional jobs in the region. He also called on Americans not to provide financial and other support for groups using violence in Northern Ireland.
Thursday 30 August 1979
A decision was taken by the British government to increase the size of the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) by 1,000 officers to 7,500
. [This reflected a continuation of the policy of ‘Ulsterisation’ or ‘police primacy’. There was some continuing friction between the British Army (BA) and the RUC over this policy. On 2 October 1979 a new post of security Co-ordinator for Northern Ireland was created to try to improve relations between the BA and the RUC.]
Friday 30 August 1985
James Molyneaux, then leader of the Ulster Unionist Party (UUP), and Ian Paisley, then leader of the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP), attended a meeting at Downing Street, London, with Margaret Thatcher, then British Prime Minister. The two Unionist leaders had asked for the meeting to protest at the continuing Anglo-Irish talks between the two governments.
Tuesday 30 August 1988
Three members of the Irish Republican Army (IRA) were shot dead by soldiers of the Special Air Force (SAS) near Drumnakilly, County Tyrone.
Last in a series meetings between John Hume, then leader of the Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP) and Gerry Adams, then leader of Sinn Fein (SF). A joint statement was issued following the meeting.
Wednesday 30 August 1995
Gerry Adams, then President of Sinn Féin (SF), said that his party would consider constructively any proposals which addressed the decommissioning of paramilitary weapons. However, Martin McGuinness, then Vice-President of SF, ruled out the possibility of the Irish Republican Army (IRA) decommissioning any weapons as a way of overcoming the deadlock in the peace process.
Wednesday 30 August 1995
Gerry Adams, then President of Sinn Féin (SF), said that his party would consider constructively any proposals which addressed the decommissioning of paramilitary weapons. However, Martin McGuinness, then Vice-President of SF, ruled out the possibility of the Irish Republican Army (IRA) decommissioning any weapons as a way of overcoming the deadlock in the peace process.
Friday 30 August 1996
Following a series of interviews the Police Authority of Northern Ireland announced that Ronnie Flanagan was to be appointed as the new Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) Chief Constable. Ronnie Flanagan took over from Hugh Annesley in November 1996.
Saturday 30 August 1997
The New Barnsley Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) police station in west Belfast was attacked by a crowd of people who threw petrol bombs and set a lookout post on fire. The RUC responded by firing plastic baton rounds. The Royal Black Preceptory cancelled or rerouted planned parades in Strabane and Pomeroy, County Tyrone, and Bellaghy, County Derry.
Monday 30 August 1999
The LVF announced that it intended to engage in a second handover of weapons following an earlier initiative on 18 December 1998.
Thursday 30 August 2001
A man was shot and wounded during a gun attack at Bellavale Terrace, Coalisland, County Tyrone. He managed to drive off before being taken to Dungannon Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) station where he received initial treatment for his wounds. He was later taken on to Craigavon hospital.
[Vincent Currie, then a Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP) councillor, claimed that the Irish Republican Army (IRA) were responsible for the attack. The Red Hand Defenders (RHD), a Loyalist paramilitary group, later claimed responsibility for the attack but this was dismissed as unlikely by most commentators.]
The Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) stated that Loyalist paramilitaries had carried out 129 pipe-bomb attacks so far this year. Of these 53 had exploded and 89 were defused. Mitchel McLaughlin, then Sinn Féin Chairman, accused John Reid, then Secretary of State, of turning a blind eye to ongoing Loyalist attacks.
The Northern Ireland Housing Executive (NIHE) published its Annual Report which marked the 30th anniversary since it was established in 1971. The report showed that a total of 22,000 people were on the public sector housing waiting list and of these 10,366 were classified as being in urgent need. According to the report there were 44,000 dwellings unfit for human habitation in Northern Ireland.
Remembering all innocent victims of the Troubles
Today is the anniversary of the follow people killed as a results of the conflict in Northern Ireland
To the innocent on the list – Your memory will life forever
– To the Paramilitaries –
“There are many things worth living for, a few things worth dying for, but nothing worth killing for.
13 People lost their lives on the 29th of August between 1972 – 1993
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30 August 1972
David Griffiths, (20) nfNI Status: British Army (BA),
Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Shot by sniper while on British Army (BA) foot patrol, Clonard Street, Lower Falls, Belfast
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30 August 1972
Roy Christopher, (20) nfNI
Status: British Army (BA),
Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Died 12 days after being injured in bomb attack on British Army (BA) foot patrol, Cupar Street, Belfast.
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30 August 1973
Ronald Beckett, (36) nfNI
Status: British Army (BA),
Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Killed attempting to defuse bomb at Tullyhomman Post Office, near Pettigoe, County Fermanagh.
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30 August 1973
Francis Hall, (29)
Catholic Status: Irish Republican Army (IRA),
Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Died one week after being injured in premature bomb explosion in house, Elaine Street, Stranmillis, Belfast
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30 August 1975
Stephen Geddis, (10)
Catholic Status: Civilian (Civ),
Killed by: British Army (BA)
Died two days after being hit by plastic bullet, Divis Flats, Belfast.
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30 August 1975
Robert Frazer, (50)
Protestant Status: Ulster Defence Regiment (UDR),
Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Off duty. Shot while driving away from friend’s farm, Ballymoyer, near Whitecross, County Armagh.
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30 August 1975
Denis McAuley, (30)
Catholic Status: Civilian (Civ),
Killed by: Ulster Freedom Fighters (UFF)
Shot during gun and bomb attack on Harp Bar, Hill Street, Belfast
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30 August 1975
John Doherty, (28)
Catholic Status: Civilian (Civ),
Killed by: Ulster Freedom Fighters (UFF)
Injured during gun and bomb attack on Harp Bar, Hill Street, Belfast. He died 10 September 1975
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30 August 1987
Winston Finlay, (44)
Protestant Status: Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC),
Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Off duty. Shot outside his home, Ballyronan, County Derry.
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30 August 1988
Gerard Harte, (29)
Catholic Status: Irish Republican Army (IRA),
Killed by: British Army (BA)
Shot by undercover British Army (BA) members, while approaching abandoned lorry, Drumnakilly, near Carrickmore, County Tyrone.
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30 August 1988
Martin Harte, (21)
Catholic Status: Irish Republican Army (IRA),
Killed by: British Army (BA)
Shot by undercover British Army (BA) members, while approaching abandoned lorry, Drumnakilly, near Carrickmore, County Tyrone.
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30 August 1988
Brain Mullin, (26)
Catholic Status: Irish Republican Army (IRA),
Killed by: British Army (BA)
Shot by undercover British Army (BA) members, while approaching abandoned lorry, Drumnakilly, near Carrickmore, County Tyrone.
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30 August 1993
Teresa Dowds De Mogollan, (48)
Catholic Status: Civilian (Civ),
Killed by: Ulster Freedom Fighters (UFF)
Shot at her home, Fortwilliam Park, Mount Vernon, Belfast.
Disclaimer – The views and opinions expressed in these documentary are soley intended to educate and provide background information to those interested in the Troubles of Northern Ireland. They … Continue reading The Shankill Bomb→
“I will cast terror into the hearts of those who disbelieve. Therefore strike off their heads and strike off every fingertip of them” No reasonable person would interpret this to mean a spiritual struggle.
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Incredible: Man Survives an ISIS Massacre
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Quran (8:67) –
“It is not for a Prophet that he should have prisoners of war until he had made a great slaughter in the land…“
“O ye who believe! When ye meet those who disbelieve in battle, turn not your backs to them. (16)Whoso on that day turneth his back to them, unless maneuvering for battle or intent to join a company, he truly hath incurred wrath from Allah, and his habitation will be hell, a hapless journey’s end.”
“Fight against them so that Allah will punish them by your hands and disgrace them and give you victory over them and heal the breasts of a believing people.”
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Disturbing ISIS Film Shows 10-Year-Old Executing Two Men
“If the hypocrites, and those in whose hearts is a disease, and the alarmists in the city do not cease, We verily shall urge thee on against them, then they will be your neighbors in it but a little while. Accursed, they will be seized wherever found and slain with a (fierce) slaughter.”
“Those who disbelieve follow falsehood, while those who believe follow the truth from their Lord… So, when you meet (in fight Jihad in Allah’s Cause), those who disbelieve smite at their necks till when you have killed and wounded many of them, then bind a bond firmly (on them, i.e. take them as captives)…
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Exclusive: the jihadi Brit who fought and died in Syria
“There is no blame for the blind, nor is there blame for the lame, nor is there blame for the sick (that they go not forth to war). And whoso obeyeth Allah and His messenger, He will make him enter Gardens underneath which rivers flow; and whoso turneth back, him will He punish with a painful doom.”
Iraqi Christians Fighting Back Against ISIS Well done boys. Get in there boys!
The difference between these dead ISIS Terrorist is that these men were Armed and fighting when they were killed by Iraqi Christians who were fighting back against the ISIS Invasion and what they knew would be their own slaughter if they were captured or surrendered. These men’s bodies were NOT desecrated as ISIS does when they have killed captured or lied to their enemy to coax them into surrendering and then behead then or line them up against a ditch and gun them all down. That is what ISIS does.
War is not a pleasant even, except to the blood thirsty Islamic Terrorists such as ISIS, HAMAS, Al Quida and others who behead non-combatants such as American Journalists who they capture and Woman who are Aid Workers trying to help feed the Iraqi victims of War
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SMH: ISIS Extremists Turned Crybabies after Caught and Slapped Around by Soldiers
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ISIS prisoners provide a glimpse into militant’s savage world
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ISIS fighters die from food poisoning after breaking Ramadan fast in Mosul – TomoNews
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Surreal Scenes of Life Under ISIS in Mosul, Iraq
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Top ISIS Executioner Has Head Chopped Off… For Smoking?
The views and opinions expressed in this page and documentaries are soley intended to educate and provide background information to those interested in The Chelsea Headhunters. They in no way reflect my own opinions and I take no responsibility for any inaccuracies or factual errors.
MacIntyre Undercover –
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Chelsea Headhunters
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Cardiff v Chelsea – 2010
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England vs Scotland hooligans fighting in London
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Chelsea Headhunters Hooligans Firm Top Boys Casuals
They were infiltrated by investigative reporter Donal MacIntyre for a documentary screened on the BBC on 9 November 1999, in which MacIntyre posed as a wannabe-member of the Chelsea Headhunters. He had a Chelsea tattoo applied to himself for authenticity, although the hardcore were surprised he chose the hated “Millwall lion” badge rather than the 1960s Chelsea erect lion one. He confirmed the racism in the Headhunters and their links to Combat 18, including one top-ranking member who had been imprisoned on one occasion for possession of material related to the Ku Klux Klan.[2] The programme led to arrests and several convictions. One member of the Headhunters, Jason Marriner who was convicted and sent to prison as a result of the show, has since written a book, “Stitch-Up For a Blue Sole”, claiming to have been set up by MacIntyre and the BBC. He claims that footage was manipulated to show him committing a small town gypsy massacre and ‘incidents’ were manufactured and they were convicted despite having no footage of them committing crimes.[3]
Nick Love’s film The Football Factory presented the Headhunters in a fictionalized account.[4] The film focuses mainly on the firm’s violent rivalry with the Millwall Bushwackers. Jason Marriner was the subject of a DVD release ‘Jason Marriner – Football Hooligan’ directed by Liam Galvin (Gangster Videos).
Millwall Bushwackers
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West Ham vs Millwall: Hooligan Riots outside Upton Park
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Kevin Whitton, a high-profile member of the firm, was sentenced to life imprisonment on 8 November 1985 for violent assault after being found guilty of involvement in an attack on a pub on Kings Road, which was described as being some[clarification needed] of the worst incidents of football hooliganism ever witnessed in England. After Chelsea lost a match, Whitton and other hooligans stormed into the pub, chanting “War! War! War!”. When they left a few minutes later, with one of them shouting, “You bloody Americans! Coming here taking our jobs”, the bar’s American manager, 29-year-old Neil Hansen, was lying on the floor, close to death.[5] Whitton’s sentence was cut to three years on appeal on 19 May 1986.[6] The fan responsible for the actual assault, Wandsworth man Terence Matthews (aged 25 at the time), was arrested shortly after Whitton’s conviction and remanded in custody to await trial. He was found guilty of taking part in the violence on 13 October 1986 and sentenced to four years in prison.[7] Matthews came to the public attention again in June 2002 when he and his 21-year-old son William received two-year prison sentences after they and another man were convicted of assaulting two police officers in Morden, Surrey.[8]
A more recent incident involving the Headhunters occurred on 13 February 2010, when members of the firm clashed[clarification needed] with the Cardiff CitySoul Crew at the FA Cup fifth-round tie at Stamford Bridge. On 25 March 2011, 24 people were convicted of taking part in the violence, which resulted in several people being injured (including a police officer whose jaw was broken) at IsleworthCrown Court. All of those convicted received banning orders from all football grounds in England and Wales ranging from three years to eight years. Eighteen of them received prison sentences of up to two years.[9]
Headhunters were involved in disturbances in Paris before a UEFA Champions League quarter final between Paris Saint-Germain and Chelsea on 2 April 2014. Around 300 hooligans were involved in pre-planned violence around the city, with hardcore hooligans having avoided police detection by entering France via Belgium.[10][11]
Allies
In 2000, Chelsea Headhunters formed a temporary alliance with other British hooligans supporting Linfield F.C., Cardiff City, Swansea City, Glasgow Rangers and Leeds United led by Arsenal’s junior firm, The Herd, to attackGalatasaray fans in Copenhagen and Heysel Stadium as part of revenge for the 2000 UEFA Cup semi-final stabbing of two Leeds United fans by a Galatasaray fan. Other allies were supporters of Lazio and Hellas Verona.[12] Chelsea Headhunters ‘top boy’ Jason Marriner also appears on a photo alongside Manchester United hooligan Colin Blaney in Blaney’s autobiography The Undesirables with a caption by Blaney commending the Headhunters on being one of the top firms, indicating a mutual respect between the Headhunters and Manchester United’s Inter City Jibbers firm.[13]
Beheading of St. John the Baptist 29th August circa 30 A.D.
The Beheading of Saint John the Baptist (also known as: Decollation of Saint John the Baptist or Beheading of the Forerunner) is a holy day observed by various Christian churches that follow liturgical traditions. The day commemorates the martyrdom by beheading of Saint John the Baptist on the orders of Herod Antipas through the vengeful request of his step-daughter Salome and her mother.
On August 29, 2012, during a televised public audience at the summer palace of Castel Gandolfo, Pope Benedict XVI maintained the discovery of Saint John the Baptist’s fragmented head for the second time attested to the historical veneration of his sanctity dating back to the Apostolic Age.[1] In addition, the Pontiff also noted that the religious feast particularly commemorates the transfer of this relic, now enshrined in the Basilica of San Silvestro in Capite in Rome.
According to the Synoptic Gospels, Herod, who was tetrarch, or sub-king, of Galilee under the Roman Empire, had imprisoned John the Baptist because he reproved Herod for divorcing his wife (Phasaelis) and unlawfully taking Herodias, the wife of his brother Herod Philip I. On Herod’s birthday, Herodias’s daughter (whom Josephus identifies as Salome) danced before the king and his guests. Her dancing pleased Herod so much that in his drunkenness he promised to give her anything she desired, up to half of his kingdom. When the daughter asked her mother what she should request, she was told to ask for the head of John the Baptist on a platter. Although Herod was appalled by the request, he reluctantly agreed and had John executed in the prison.[2]
The Jewish historian Flavius Josephus also relates in his Antiquities of the Jews that Herod killed John, stating that he did so, “lest the great influence John had over the people might put it into his [John’s] power and inclination to raise a rebellion, (for they seemed ready to do any thing he should advise), [so Herod] thought it best [to put] him to death.” He further states that many of the Jews believed that the military disaster that fell upon Herod at the hands of Aretas, his father-in-law (Phasaelis‘ father), was God’s punishment for his unrighteous behavior.[3]
None of the sources gives an exact date, which was probably in the years 28-29 AD (Matthew 14:1-12; Mark 6:14-27; Luke 9:9) after imprisoning John the Baptist in 27 AD (Matthew 4:12; Mark 1:14) at the behest of Herodias his brother’s wife whom he took to be his mistress (Matthew 14:3-5; Mark 6:17-20);[4] and according to Josephus, the death took place at the fortress of Machaerus.
Feast day
The liturgical commemoration of the Beheading of St. John the Baptist is almost as old as that commemorating his birth, which is one of the oldest feasts, if not the oldest, introduced into both the Eastern and Western liturgies to honour a saint.
The Eastern Orthodox and Byzantine Catholic churches also celebrate this feast on August 29. This date in the Julian Calendar, used by the Russian, Macedonian, Serbian and Ethiopian Orthodox Churches, corresponds in the twenty-first century to September 11 in the Gregorian Calendar. The day is always observed with strict fasting, and in some cultures, the pious will not eat food from a flat plate, use a knife, or eat round food on this day.
The Beheading of St John the Baptist by Jan Rombouts
There are two other related feasts observed by Eastern Christians:
First and Second Finding of the Head of St. John the Baptist (February 24). According to church tradition, after the execution of John the Baptist, his disciples buried his body at Sebaste, but Herodias took his severed head and buried it in a dung heap. Later, Saint Joanna, who was married to Herod’s steward,[6] secretly took his head and buried it on the Mount of Olives, where it remained hidden for centuries.
The First Finding occurred in the fourth century. The property on the Mount of Olives where the head was buried eventually passed into the possession of a government official who became a monk with the name of Innocent. He built a church and a monastic cell there. When he started to dig the foundation, the vessel with the head of John the Baptist was uncovered, but fearful that the relic might be abused by unbelievers, he hid it again in the same place it had been found. Upon his death, the church fell into ruin and was destroyed.
The Second Finding occurred in the year 452. During the days of Constantine the Great, two monks on a pilgrimage to Jerusalem reportedly saw visions of John the Baptist, who revealed to them the location of his head. They uncovered the relic, placed it in a sack and proceeded home. Along the way, they encountered an unnamed potter and gave him the bag to carry, not telling him what it was. John the Baptist appeared to him and ordered him to flee from the careless and lazy monks, with what he held in his hands. He did so and took the head home with him. Before his death, he placed it in a container and gave it to his sister. After some time, a hieromonk by the name of Eustathius, an Arian, came into possession of it, using it to attract followers to his teaching. He buried the head in a cave, near Emesa. Eventually, a monastery was built at that place. In the year 452, St. John the Baptist appeared to Archimandrite Marcellus of this monastery and indicated where his head was hidden in a water jar buried in the earth. The relic was brought into the city of Emesa and was later transferred to Constantinople.
Third Finding of the Head of St. John the Baptist (May 25). The head was transferred to Comana of Cappadocia during a period of Muslim raids (about 820), and it was hidden in the ground during a period of iconoclasticpersecution. When the veneration of icons was restored in 850, Patriarch Ignatius of Constantinople (847-857) saw in a vision the place where the head of St. John had been hidden. The patriarch communicated this to the emperorMichael III, who sent a delegation to Comana, where the head was found. Afterwards, the head was again transferred to Constantinople, and here on May 25, it was placed in a church at the court.
A 1742 Tarì coin of the Knights Hospitaller, depicting the head of Saint John the Baptist on a silver round platter.
According to ancient tradition, the burial place of John the Baptist was at Sebaste, near modern-day Nablus in the West Bank, and mention is made of his relics being honored there around the middle of the fourth century. The historians Rufinus and Theodoretus record that the shrine was desecrated under Julian the Apostate around 362, the bones being partly burned. A portion of the rescued relics was carried to Jerusalem, then to Alexandria, where, on 27 May 395, they were laid in the basilica that was newly dedicated to John the Baptist on the former site of the temple of Serapis. The tomb at Sebaste continued, nevertheless, to be visited by pious pilgrims, and St. Jerome bears witness to miracles being worked there. Today, the tomb is housed in the Nabi Yahya Mosque (“John the Baptist Mosque”).
What became of the head of John the Baptist is difficult to determine. Nicephorus[7] and Symeon Metaphrastes say that Herodias had it buried in the fortress of Machaerus (in accordance with Josephus). Other writers say that it was interred in Herod’s palace at Jerusalem; there, it was found during the reign of Constantine and thence secretly taken to Emesa, in Phoenicia, where it was concealed, the place remaining unknown for years, until it was manifested by revelation in 453.
Over the centuries, there have been many discrepancies in the various legends and claimed relics throughout the Christian world. Several different locations claim to possess the severed head of John the Baptist. Among the various claimants are:[8]
In medieval times, it was rumored that the Knights Templar had possession of the head, and multiple records from their Inquisition in the early 14th century make reference to some form of head veneration.[10]
A reliquary at the Residenz in Munich, Germany, is labeled as containing the skull of John the Baptist.[11]
Numerous other relics of John the Baptist are also believed to exist, including the following:
According to tradition, Luke the Evangelist went to the city of Sebaste, from which he took the right hand of the Forerunner (the hand that baptized Jesus) and brought it to Antioch, his home city, where it performed miracles. It is reported that the relic would be brought out and shown to the faithful on the Feast of the Exaltation of the Cross (September 14). If the fingers of the hand were open, it was interpreted as a sign of a bountiful year; if the hand was closed, it would be a poor harvest (September 1 was the beginning of the liturgical year and the harvest season).
On January 7, the Orthodox Church celebrates the Feast of the Transfer of the Right Hand of the Holy Forerunner from Antioch to Constantinople in 956 and the Miracle of Saint John the Forerunner against the Hagarines at Chios.
In 1204, after the Sack of Constantinople by the Crusaders, the Frankish emperor Baldwin gave one bone from the wrist of Saint John the Baptist to Ottonus de Cichon, who in turn gave it to a Cistercian abbey in France.
It is said John the Baptist’s arm and a piece of his skull can be found at the Topkapı Palace in Istanbul, Turkey.
At the time of Mehmed the Conqueror, the skull was held in Topkapı, while after his death, his stepmother Mara Branković, a Serbian princess, brought it to Serbia. It was then kept a while at the Dionisios monastery at Mount Athos, then the skull fragment was sent to a nearby island in order to prevent the outbreak of a plague; however, the Ottoman fleet seized it and delivered it to Hasan Pasha of Algeria, who held it in his home until his death. It was then returned to Topkapı. The skull is kept on a golden plate decorated with gold bands with gems and Old Serbian inscriptions. The plate itself is stored in a 16th-century rock crystal box.[12]
John’s arm was brought from Antioch to Constantinople at the time of Constantine VII. It was kept in the Emperor’s chapel in the 12th century, then in the Church of the Virgin of the Pharos, then in the Church of Peribleptos in the first half of the 15th century. Spanish envoy Clavijo reported that he saw two different arms in two different monasteries while on a visit to Constantinople in 1404. With the Fall of Constantinople, the Ottomans seized possession of it. In 1484, Bayezid II sent it the knights of Rhodes, while they held his brother Cem captive in return. In 1585, Murad III had the arms brought from Lefkosia castle to Constantinople (henceforth known as Istanbul). The arm is kept in a gold-embellished silver reliquary. There are several inscriptions on the arm: “The beloved of God” on the forefinger, “This is the hand of the Baptist” on the wrist, and “belongs to (monk) Dolin Monahu” on the band above the elbow.[12]
In the year 1484, the right hand of the Forerunner was given by the son of SultanBayezid II to the Knights Hospitaller on the island of Rhodes in order to gain their goodwill. The Knights later brought the relic with them when they moved the Order to Malta. When Napoleon conquered Malta in 1798, it was one of the few treasures that Grand Master Ferdinand von Hompesch was permitted to remove from the island.[13] On 12 October 1799, after the resignation of Hompesch, it was presented, together with the other Malta treasures — the icon of the Madonna of Philermos and a splinter of the True Cross — to Russian emperor Paul I, who had been elected the new Grand Master of the Maltese Order, and taken to the chapel of the Priory Palace[14] at Gatchina in Russia. After Paul’s death in 1801, the relic was transferred to the Winter Palace in St. Petersburg and survived the storming of the Winter Palace during the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917, because it was at the church in Gatchina, together with the other relics of the Knights, for a celebration in their honor on October 12.[13] The relic eventually went to the Ostrog monastery in Montenegro and from there to its current location at Cetinje Monastery also in Montenegro.[15]
In July 2010, a small reliquary was discovered under the ruins of a 5th-century monastery on St. Ivan Island, Bulgaria. Local archaeologists opened the reliquary in August and found bone fragments of a skull, a hand and a tooth, which they believe belong to John the Baptist, based on their interpretation of a Greek inscription on the reliquary. The Bulgarian Orthodoxbishop who witnessed the opening speculated that the relics might have been a gift from an 11th-century church on the island possibly dedicated to the saint.[17] The remains have been carbon-dated to the 1st century.[18]
Scenes from the events around the death of John were an extremely common subject in the treatment of John the Baptist in art, initially most often in small predella scenes, and later as a subject for larger independent works. The following list does not attempt completeness but begins with works with their own articles, then includes many of the best-known depictions in chronological order (to see each work, follow the link through the footnote):[20]
Key Events & Deaths on this day in Northern Ireland Troubles
Friday 29 August 1969
Following the visit to Northern Ireland by James Callaghan, then British Home Secretary, a Communiqué on behalf of the Northern Ireland and British governments was released. This communiqué provided an outline of the work that would be undertaken on a number of further reforms mainly in the area of local government administration, housing, and employment.
Sunday 29 August 1971
A Catholic man died 16 days after being shot by the British Army in Belfast.
Wednesday 29 August 1973
The Irish Republican Army (IRA) planted two bombs in Solihull, England and also planted an incendiary device in Harrod’s store in London.
Friday 29 August 1975
The Irish Republican Army (IRA) planted a booby-trapped time bomb in Kensington Church Street, London, and then gave a telephone warning. Roger Goad (40), who was a British Army officer in a bomb-disposal squad, was killed as he tried to defuse the device.
[Goad was posthumously awarded the George Cross.]
A member of the youth section of the IRA was shot dead by Loyalists in Belfast.
Eamon de Valera died at the age of 92.
Wednesday 29 August 1979
Margaret Thatcher, then British Prime Minister, paid a visit to Northern Ireland to hold discussions on security. In Rome it was announced that Pope John Paul II would not travel to Armagh during his forthcoming visit to Ireland on 29 September 1979.
Tuesday 29 August 1989
Claims of Collusion between Loyalists and Security Forces
The Ulster Freedom Fighters (UFF) claimed that they had received security force files on Irish Republican Army (IRA) suspects. It was claimed that the death of Loughlin Maginn on 25 August 1989 was due to information supplied to the UFF by members of the security forces.
[These claims revived accusations of security force collusion with Loyalist paramilitaries.]
Thursday 29 August 1991
Sinn Féin (SF) won a by-election for a seat on Belfast City Council. This victory brought the party’s representation to 9 members making it the second-largest party in the council.
Monday 29 August 1994
Gerry Adams, then President of Sinn Féin (SF), said that he had met the Army Council of the Irish Republican Army (IRA). He indicated that he told the Council that he believed that the conditions existed for moving the peace process forward.
Friday 29 August 1997
Announcement that SF Could Enter Talks
Marjorie (Mo) Mowlam, then Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, said that she “accepted the veracity” of the renewed Irish Republican Army (IRA) ceasefire and would therefore be inviting Sinn Féin (SF) to attend the multi-party talks at Stormont, Belfast, on 15 September 1997.
The Ulster Unionist Party (UUP) said that it would attend the talks but would not sit at the same table as SF. Tony Blair, then British Prime Minister, and Bertie Ahern, then Taoiseach (Irish Prime Minister), issued a joint appeal to all Unionists to joint the multi-party talks on 15 September 1997.
Sunday 29 August 1999
A British army bomb disposal unit defused a pipe-bomb found near a Catholic church in County Antrim. The bomb had been left in the graveyard of St. Peter the Rock, on the Rock Road in Lisburn. The attack was carried out by Loyalist paramilitaries.
Loyalists also carried out a paramilitary ‘punishment’ shooting on a man in Antrim, and were also responsible for two beatings in east Belfast and Glengormley.
A Gaelic Athletic Association (GAA) clubhouse in Ahoghill, County Antrim, was damaged in an arson attack. The IRA expelled two young men from the Ardoyne in north Belfast and the Short Strand in east Belfast. John Hume, then leader of the Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP), was taken into hospital in Austria for an operation on a perforated intestine.
Wednesday 29 August 2001
Loyalist paramilitaries carried out a pipe-bomb attack on the home of a Catholic family in Ballynahinch, County Down. Two devices exploded at the house shortly before 3.00am (0300BST); there were no injuries in the attack. The owner of the house blamed the Ulster Defence Association (UDA) for the attack.
The Red Hand Defenders (RHD), a cover name that has been used by members of the Ulster Defence Association (UDA), claimed responsibility for the attack.
[There were other attacks on Catholic families in the same street on 1 February 2001.]
Two pipe-bombs were discovered and defused in Ballycastle, County Antrim. The bombs were discovered close to where a car bomb had been left on 28 August 2001. The first device was found near the Marine Hotel and the second ‘pipe bomb’ was later found at the Boyd Arms public house in the Diamond area of the town.
Sean Farren, then Minister for Higher and Further Education, Training and Employment, said that there was clear evidence that the UDA ceasefire was in some areas “completely non-existent”. Speaking in the aftermath of the bombing attempt in Balllycastle, County Antrim, on 28 August 2001 he said that the British government must acknowledge the UDA ceasefire was not operating in some parts of the North and must take action against those behind the recent attacks.
A delegation from Sinn Féin led by Mitchel McLaughlin, then SF Chairman, held talks with Des Browne, then junior Northern Ireland minister, to discuss the problems still facing the peace process. Browne later said that the British government was keeping a close eye on Loyalist paramilitary ceasefires following recent bomb attacks. He said:
“the implications for those Loyalist groups engaged in these despicable acts … will be very serious”.
The Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) press office confirmed that two senior officers, thought to be from Special Branch, had travelled to Colombia to assist the investigation into the activities of the three Irishmen arrested on 13 August 2001.
Remembering all innocent victims of the Troubles
Today is the anniversary of the follow people killed as a results of the conflict in Northern Ireland
To the innocent on the list – Your memory will live forever
– To the Paramilitaries –
“There are many things worth living for, a few things worth dying for, but nothing worth killing for.
5 People lost their lives on the 29th of August between 1971 – 1982
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29 August 1971 Ian Armstrong, (33) nfNI Status: British Army (BA),
Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Shot while on British Army (BA) mobile patrol, near Crossmaglen, County Armagh
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29 August 1975
James Templeton, (15)
Catholic Status: Irish Republican Army Youth Section (IRAF),
Killed by: non-specific Loyalist group (LOY)
Shot from passing car, while standing outside Rose and Crown Bar, Ormeau Road, Belfast.
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29 August 1975 Roger Goad, (40) nfNIB Status: British Army (BA),
Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Attached to British police. Killed attempting to defuse bomb in shop, Church Street, Kensington, London.
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29 August 1980 Frank McGrory, (52)
Catholic Status: Civilian (Civ),
Killed by: Irish National Liberation Army (INLA)
Killed when detonated booby trap bomb, hidden in hedgerow, Carnagh, near Keady, County Armagh
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29 August 1982 James Galway, (33)
Protestant Status: Civilian (Civ),
Killed by: Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF)
Abducted somewhere in the Shankill area, Belfast. Found shot, on information supplied to the British authorities, buried at a building site, Fir Park, Broughshane, near Ballymena, County Antrim, on 24 November 1983.
Disclaimer – The views and opinions expressed in these documentary are soley intended to educate and provide background information to those interested in the Troubles of Northern Ireland. They … Continue reading The Shankill Bomb→