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Manchester IRA Bombing – Saturday 15th June 1996

Manchester IRA Bomb 

Saturday 15th  June 1996

The 1996 Manchester bombing was an attack carried out by the Provisional Irish Republican Army (IRA) on Saturday 15 June 1996. The IRA detonated a powerful 3,300-pound (1,500 kg) truck bomb on Corporation Street in the centre of Manchester, England. The biggest bomb detonated in Great Britain since World War II, it targeted the city’s infrastructure and economy and caused widespread damage, estimated by insurers at £700 million (£1.2 billion as of 2016).

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The IRA had sent telephoned warnings about 90 minutes before the bomb detonated. At least 75,000 people were evacuated from the area, but the bomb squad were unable to defuse the bomb in time. More than 200 people were injured, but there were no fatalities. At the time, England was hosting the Euro ’96 football championships and a Russia vs Germany match was to take place in Manchester the following day.

Since 1970 the Provisional IRA had been waging a campaign aimed at forcing the British government to negotiate a withdrawal from Northern Ireland. Although Manchester had been the target of IRA bombs before 1996, it had not been subjected to an attack on this scale. In February 1996, the IRA had ended its seventeen-month ceasefire with a similarly large truck bomb attack on London’s Canary Wharf financial district.

The Manchester bombing was condemned by the British and Irish governments and US President Bill Clinton. Five days after the blast, the IRA issued a statement in which it claimed responsibility, but regretted causing injury to civilians.

Several buildings near the explosion were damaged beyond repair and had to be demolished, while many more were closed for months for structural repairs. Most of the rebuilding work was completed by the end of 1999, at a cost of £1.2 billion, although redevelopment continued until 2005. The perpetrators of the attack have not been caught, and Greater Manchester Police have conceded it is unlikely that anyone will be charged in connection with the bombing.

 

Background

 

From 1970 the Provisional Irish Republican Army (IRA) was carrying out an armed campaign aimed ultimately at bringing about a united Ireland. As well as attacking military and political targets, it also bombed infrastructure and commercial targets in Northern Ireland and England. It believed that by damaging the economy and causing severe disruption, it could pressure the British government to negotiate a withdrawal from Northern Ireland.

Manchester had been the target of earlier IRA bombs. Firebombs damaged city centre businesses in 1973 and 1974, for which a man was later imprisoned. In April 1974, a bomb exploded at Manchester Magistrates’ Court, injuring twelve. In 1975, IRA bomb factories were found in Greater Manchester and five men were imprisoned for planning attacks in North West England.

On 4 December 1992, the IRA detonated two small bombs in Manchester city centre, forcing police to evacuate thousands of shoppers. More than 60 were hurt by shattered glass and the blasts cost an estimated £10 million in damage and business losses.

The Downing Street Declaration of 1993 allowed Sinn Féin, a political party associated with the IR  to participate in all-party peace negotiations on condition that the IRA called a ceasefire. The IRA called a ceasefire on 31 August 1994. John Major‘s government, dependent on Ulster unionist votes, then began insisting that the IRA must fully disarm before there could be any all-party negotiations. The IRA saw this as a demand for total surrender and believed the British were unwilling to hold negotiations. It ended its ceasefire on 9 February 1996 when it detonated a powerful truck bomb in Canary Wharf, one of the two financial districts of London. The blast killed two people and caused an estimated £150 million worth of damage.

The IRA then planted five other devices in London within the space of 10 weeks.

The IRA planned to carry out a similar bombing in Manchester. The city may have been chosen because it was one of the host cities of the Euro ’96 football tournament, attended by visitors and media organisations from all over Europe, guaranteeing the IRA what Margaret Thatcher called the “oxygen of publicity”. A Russia vs Germany match was to take place at Old Trafford in Manchester a day after the bombing.

The year before, Manchester had also won its bid to host the 2002 Commonwealth Games, at the time the biggest multi-sport event ever to be staged in Britain.

On 10 June 1996, multi-party negotiations began in Belfast. Sinn Féin had been elected to take part but were barred because the IRA had not resumed its ceasefire or agreed to disarm.

Details of the bombing

The IRA’s South Armagh Brigade was tasked with planning and carrying out the attack. It had also been responsible for the Canary Wharf bombing in February, and the Bishopsgate bombing in 1993. Its members mixed the explosives in Ireland and shipped them by freight from Dublin to England. In London, the bomb was assembled and loaded into the back of a red and white Ford Cargo box truck. On 14 June it was driven north towards Manchester, accompanied by a Ford Granada which served as a ‘scout car’.

Discovery

 

Three photographs arranged one on top of the other, taken from the air. The first shows a white truck parked outside a tall building. The second shows a sheet of flame, and the third, taken from further away than the first, shows a tall mushroom-shaped cloud rising into the sky above the surrounding buildings.

Stills taken from India 99, a Greater Manchester Police helicopter, showing the Ford Cargo truck moments before the blast, the explosion taking place, and the resulting mushroom cloud over the city, dwarfing the adjacent 23-storey high-rise, Arndale House.

At about 9:20 am on Saturday 15 June 1996, the Ford Cargo truck was parked on Corporation Street, outside the Marks & Spencer store, near the Arndale Centre.[1] After setting the bomb’s timer, two men – wearing hooded jackets, baseball caps and sunglasses – left the vehicle and walked to Cathedral Street, where a third man picked them up in the Ford Granada.

The truck had been parked on double yellow lines with its hazard lights flashing. Within three minutes a traffic warden had issued the vehicle with a parking ticket and called for its removal.

At about 9:40 am, Granada Studios on Quay Street received a telephone call claiming that there was a bomb at the corner of Corporation Street and Cannon Street and that it would explode in one hour. The caller had an Irish accent and gave an IRA codeword so that police would know the threat was genuine.

Four other telephoned warnings were sent to television/radio stations, newspapers and a hospital.

The first policeman to arrive on the scene noticed wires running from the truck’s dashboard through a hole into the back and reported that he had found the bomb. Forensic experts later estimated that the bomb weighed 3,300 to 3,500 pounds (1,500–1,600 kg)  and was a mixture of semtex, a military-grade plastic explosive, and ammonium nitrate fertiliser,  a cheap and easily obtainable explosive used extensively by the IRA. Components of what may have been a tremble trigger were also found later, designed to detonate the bomb if it was tampered with.

Evacuation

At 10:00 am, there were an estimated 75,000–80,000 people shopping and working in the vicinity. An evacuation of the area was undertaken by police officers from Bootle Street police station, supplemented by officers drafted into Manchester to control the football crowds. The police were helped by security guards from local shops.

One group worked to move people away from the bomb while another, assisted by firefighters and security guards, established a continuously expanding cordon around the area to prevent entry. By 11:10 am the cordon was at the greatest extent that available manpower would permit, about a quarter of a mile (400 m) from the truck and 1.5 miles (2.4 km) in circumference.

Explosion

 

The bomb squad arrived from their Liverpool base at 10:46 am and attempted to defuse the bomb using a remote-controlled device, but they ran out of time. The bomb exploded at 11:17 am, causing an estimated £700 million (£1.2 billion as of 2016) of damage and affecting a third of the city centre’s retail space. Marks & Spencer, the sky bridge connecting it with the Arndale Centre, and neighbouring buildings were destroyed. It was the largest peacetime bomb ever detonated in Great Britain,and the blast created a mushroom cloud which rose 300 metres (1,000 feet) from the ground.

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The explosion could be heard up to 15 miles away and left a crater 15 metres wide.  Glass and masonry were thrown into the air, and behind the police cordon – up to 1⁄2 mi (800 m) away, people were showered by falling debris.

There were no fatalities, but 212 people were injured. A search of the area for casualties was confused by mannequins blasted from shop windows, which were sometimes mistaken for bodies. Hospitals across Greater Manchester were made ready to receive those injured in the blast. The police commandeered a Metrolink tram to take 50 of the casualties to North Manchester General Hospital, which treated 79 in total; a further 80 were cared for at the Manchester Royal Infirmary, and many others were treated in the streets by ambulance crews assisted by doctors and nurses who happened to be in the city centre that morning.

Reaction

The bombing was condemned by British Prime Minister John Major and his government, by the opposition, and by individual members of parliament (MPs) as a “sickening”, “callous” and “barbaric” terrorist attack. Early on, Major stated that,

“This explosion looks like the work of the IRA. It is the work of a few fanatics and … causes absolute revulsion in Ireland as it does here”.

Sinn Féin was criticised by Taoiseach John Bruton for being :

“struck mute” on the attack in the immediate aftermath. Bruton described the bombing as “a slap in the face to people who’ve been trying, against perhaps their better instincts, to give Sinn Féin a chance to show that they could persuade the IRA to reinstate the ceasefire”.

The President of the United States, Bill Clinton, stated he was “deeply outraged by the bomb explosion” and joined Bruton and Major in “utterly condemning this brutal and cowardly act of terrorism”. Sinn Féin President, Gerry Adams, stated that he was “shocked and saddened” by the bombing. He insisted that his party was committed to achieving a peace settlement and argued “it is sheer folly to return to the old agenda of excluding Sinn Féin and seeking to isolate republicans”.

On 20 June 1996, the IRA claimed responsibility for the bombing, and stated that it “sincerely regretted” causing injury to civilians.

The IRA statement continued:

The British Government has spent the last 22 months since August ’94 trying to force the surrender of IRA weapons and the defeat of the republican struggle. We are still prepared to enhance the democratic peace process […] but if there is to be a lasting peace […] then the British Government must put the democratic rights of all of the people of Ireland before its own party political self interest.

The bombing came five days after the beginning of the peace talks in Belfast, and represented the IRA’s opposition to talks which excluded republicans. The attack was part of a political strategy by the IRA to be included in negotiations on the IRA’s own terms.  According to historian Richard English:

“What they were doing with their return to bombings like the Manchester bomb was saying, ‘We can still return to war if we want to. We can still put off a huge bomb in your cities and devastate them and therefore you have to deal with us'”.

In an effort to allay fears that Manchester’s considerable Irish community might be subjected to reprisal attacks, Councillors Richard Leese and Martin Pagel – leader and deputy leader of Manchester City Council respectively – made a public visit to the Irish World Heritage Centre in Cheetham Hill. In the event there were only a few incidents, the most serious of which occurred on the evening of the bomb when a gang of ten men rampaged through an Irish-themed bar in the centre of Middleton shouting the Ulster loyalist slogan “No surrender” and smashing furniture and windows.

Seven days after the bombing, Manchester Council held a ‘family fun day’ in front of the Town Hall in Albert Square to encourage shoppers and visitors back into the city centre, the first of a “series of events and entertainments”.

The Euro ’96 football match between Russia and Germany at Old Trafford went ahead as planned the day following the bombing, after the stadium had been heavily guarded overnight and carefully searched; the game, which Germany won 3–0, was watched by a capacity crowd of 50,700.[43]

Investigation

A damaged traffic light that stood on the corner of the junction between Cross Street and Market Street at the time of the explosion, now in the Museum of Science and Industry

In an effort to trace the route of the Ford Cargo truck, police examined CCTV footage from every major road and motorway taken in England within two days of the bombing. Footage revealed that the truck was driven south along the M1 motorway into London on the Friday afternoon before the attack.

It was seen again heading north along the motorway at 7:40 pm, accompanied by the Ford Granada. Detectives surmised that the truck had been loaded with explosives in London and that the Granada was intended to be the getaway vehicle. The truck was last recorded travelling east along the M62 motorway towards Manchester at 8:31 am on the morning of the explosion.

Police in Manchester were aware that their Metropolitan Police colleagues in London were investigating a suspected IRA unit based in the capital, and wondered whether the London unit was responsible for the Manchester bombing. On 15 July, Metropolitan police arrested six men suspected of IRA membership: Donal Gannon, John Crawley, Gerard Hanratty, Robert Morrow, Patrick Martin, and Francis Rafferty. Each was tried and convicted of “conspiracy to cause explosions at National Grid electricity stations”, and sentenced to 35 years in jail. Police in Manchester meanwhile worked to establish if the men were also responsible for the Manchester bomb.

Their investigation was led by Detective Chief Inspector Gordon Mutch of the Greater Manchester Police (GMP), “astonishingly … the only person ever charged with a criminal offence in connection with the Manchester bomb”.

The truck’s last registered owner told police that he had sold it to a dealer in Peterborough, who had in turn sold the truck on to a man calling himself Tom Fox, two weeks before the bombing. After the purchase price was delivered in cash by a taxi driver, the dealer was instructed to take the truck to a nearby lorry park, and leave it there with the keys and documents hidden inside.

On checking records of telephone calls made to the dealer, the police found that some had been made from a mobile phone registered in Ireland, and on further checking the records of that phone it appeared that the calls were made from locations consistent with the known whereabouts of the Ford truck. One call was to a known IRA member.

The phone was last used at 9:23 am on the morning of the bombing, just three minutes after the bombers had parked their truck in Corporation Street. On 27 June, the phone’s registered owner reported that it had been stolen 17 days earlier, but the police felt they had gathered enough evidence to bring a prosecution against the six IRA men held in London.

At a meeting attended by the commander of Special Branch in Manchester, a GMP assistant chief constable and a “senior officer” from the Royal Ulster Constabulary, it was decided, for reasons never made public, not to present the findings of the investigation to the Crown Prosecution Service (CPS); the body responsible for undertaking criminal prosecutions in England.

The three may have felt that as the IRA suspects were already in police custody they were no longer a threat, or that to pursue the case against them may have jeopardised ongoing undercover operations. It was not until 1998 that the police finally sent their file to the CPS, who decided not to prosecute.

Leak

Early in 1999, Steve Panter, chief crime reporter for the Manchester Evening News, was leaked classified Special Branch documents naming those suspected of the bombing. The documents also revealed that the man suspected of organising the attack had visited Manchester shortly after the bombing and been under covert police surveillance as he toured the devastated city centre before returning to his home in South Armagh.

Suspicion fell on Mutch as the source of the leaked documents after an analysis of mobile phone records placed both him and Panter at the same hotel in Skipton, North Yorkshire, about 40 miles (64 km) from Manchester on the same evening.

On 21 April 1999, the Manchester Evening News named a man it described as “a prime suspect in the 1996 Manchester bomb plot”.

The newspaper reported that the file sent by Greater Manchester Police to the Crown Prosecution Service contained the sentence: “It is the opinion of the investigating officers of GMP that there is sufficient evidence to charge [him] with being a party in a conspiracy to cause explosions in the United Kingdom.”

The man denied any involvement.

The Attorney General wrote in a letter to a local MP that the advice given to the CPS by an independent lawyer was that “there was not a case to answer on the evidence available … a judge would stop the case”: the Attorney General further wrote that the decision not to prosecute was not influenced by the government. The newspaper also identified the six men arrested in London on 15 July as having planned the attack.

By July 2000 all six had been released under the terms of the 1998 Belfast Agreement.

As of 2016, Panter and Mutch are the only people to have been arrested in connection with the bombing. Mutch was tried for “misconduct in a public office” during an 11-day trial held in January 2002, but was acquitted. During the trial Panter was found in contempt of court for refusing to reveal his source, an offence punishable by a term of imprisonment without the right of appeal.

Greater Manchester Police announced in 2006 that there was no realistic chance of convicting those responsible for the bombing.[

Reconstruction

About twelve buildings in the immediate vicinity of the explosion were severely damaged. Overall, 530,000 square feet (49,000 m2) of retail space and 610,000 square feet (57,000 m2) of office space ere put out of use.

Insurers paid out £411 million (£700 million as of 2016) in damages for what was at the time one of the most expensive man-made disasters ever,and there was considerable under-insurance.

Victims of the bombing received a total of £1,145,971 in compensation from the Criminal Injuries Compensation Authority; one individual received £146,524, the largest amount awarded as a result of this incident.

 

Close to the location of the blast, 2009

According to Home Office statistics, an estimated 400 businesses within half a mile (0.8 km) of the blast were affected, 40% of which did not recover.

The heaviest damage was sustained by the three buildings nearest the bomb: Michael House, comprising a Marks & Spencer store and a six-storey office block; Longridge House, offices for Royal and Sun Alliance, an insurance company; and the Arndale Centre, a shopping mall. Michael House was deemed beyond economic repair and demolished. Marks & Spencer took the opportunity to acquire and demolish the adjacent Longridge House, using the enlarged site for the world’s biggest branch of the store.

The company’s fortunes changed during construction, and Selfridges subsequently co-occupied the building; Marks & Spencer leased part of the Lewis’s store in the interim. The frontage of the Arndale was badly damaged and was removed in a remodelling of that part of the city centre.

Coming to Manchester [after the bombing] was a journey I shall never forget. I sat on the train obviously deeply shocked and horrified. I knew that questions would be asked about what we were going to do; what is the right solution. Then I knew what the right solution was – to see this event, horrific as it was, as an opportunity and, no mucking about, we must do things on the grand scale and to the best quality we can.

 

“
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Michael Heseltine, then-Deputy Prime Minister

The glass domes of the Corn Exchange and the Royal Exchange were blown in. The landlord of the Corn Exchange invoked a force majeure condition in the lease to evict all tenants, and the building was converted into a shopping centre. The dome of the Royal Exchange shifted in the blast; its reconstruction took two and a half years and cost £32 million, paid for by the National Lottery.

The possibility of rebuilding parts of the city centre was raised within days of the bomb. On 26 June 1996, Michael Heseltine, the Deputy Prime Minister, announced an international competition for designs of the redevelopment of the bomb-affected area. Bids were received from 27 entrants, five of whom were invited to submit designs in a second round.

It was announced on 5 November 1996 that the winning design was one by a consortium headed by EDAW.

Redevelopment

Much of the 1960s redevelopment of Manchester’s city centre was unpopular with residents. Market Street, near the explosion and at that time the second-busiest shopping street in the UK, was considered by some commentators a “fearful” place, to be “avoided like the plague”.

Until Margaret Thatcher‘s third consecutive election victory in 1987, the staunchly Labour-controlled Manchester Council believed that Manchester’s regeneration should be funded solely by public money, despite the government’s insistence on only funding schemes with a significant element of private investment. Graham Stringer, leader of Manchester City Council, later admitted that after the 1987 General Election result “there was no get out of jail card. We had gambled on Labour winning the General Election and we lost.”

Thatcher’s victory effectively put paid to Manchester’s “socialist experiment”, and Stringer shortly afterwards wrote a letter of capitulation to Nicholas Ridley, then Secretary of State for the Environment, saying, “in a nutshell; OK, you win, we’d like to work together with you”.

Efforts at improvement before the bombing had in some respects made matters worse, cutting off the area north of the Arndale Centre – the exterior of which was widely unloved – from the rest of the city centre. A large building nearby, now redeveloped as The Printworks and formerly occupied by the Daily Mirror newspaper, had been unoccupied since 1987.

Many locals therefore considered that “the bomb was the best thing that ever happened to Manchester” as it cleared the way for redevelopment of the dysfunctional city centre, a view also expressed in 2007 by Terry Rooney, MP for Bradford North. The leader of the Liberal Democrat opposition on Manchester City Council, Simon Ashley, responded that “I take exception to his [Rooney’s] comments about the IRA bomb.

No one who was in the city on that day, who lost their jobs or was scared witless or injured by the blast, would say the bomb was the best thing to happen to Manchester”.

Sir Gerald Kaufman, MP for Manchester Gorton, stated that the bomb provided the opportunity for redeveloping Manchester city centre, although it was not fully exploited. “The bomb was obviously bad but from a redevelopment point of view, it was a lost opportunity. While the area around St Ann’s Square and Deansgate is not disagreeable, if you compare it with Birmingham and its exciting development, we’ve got nothing to touch that in Manchester”.

Howard Bernstein, chief executive of Manchester City Council, has been quoted as saying “people say the bomb turned out to be a great thing for Manchester. That’s rubbish.” There was already substantial regeneration and redevelopment taking place in the city centre before the bombing, in support of the Manchester bid for the 2000 Summer Olympics, its second Olympic bid. Tom Bloxham, chairman of property development group Urban Splash and of the Arts Council England (North West), agreed with Bernstein that the bomb attack was not the trigger for the large-scale redevelopment that has taken place in Manchester since the early 1990s:

 

Standard red UK pillar box

A pillar box that withstood the bomb blast. A memorial brass plaque commemorates the 1996 bomb.

For me the turning point for Manchester came before the bomb … it was the second Olympic Games bid [in 1992] when we lost but the city suddenly had a realisation. There was a huge party in Castlefield and people grasped the idea that Manchester should no longer consider itself in competition with the likes of Barnsley and Stockport. It was now up against Barcelona, Los Angeles and Sydney and its aspirations increased accordingly.

Memorials

A pillar box that survived the blast, despite being yards from the explosion, now carries a small brass plaque recording the bombing. It was removed during construction and redevelopment work, and returned to its original spot when Corporation Street reopened.

The plaque reads:

This postbox remained standing almost undamaged on June 15th 1996 when this area was devastated by a bomb. The box was removed during the rebuilding of the city centre and was returned to its original site on
November 22nd 1999

A Thanksgiving service for the “Miracle of Manchester” was held at Manchester Cathedral on 24 July 2002, to coincide with the arrival of the Commonwealth Games baton, attended by Queen Elizabeth II and The Duke of Edinburgh. At 11:17 am on 15 June 2006, a candle was lit at a memorial held at Manchester Cathedral to mark the tenth anniversary of the bombing.

 

IRA Lisburn “Fun Run” bombing.1988 Lisburn van bombing

1988 Lisburn van Bombing

IRA Charity Run Slaughter

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On 15 June 1988 an unmarked military van carrying six British Army soldiers was blown up by the Provisional Irish Republican Army (IRA) at Market Place in Lisburn, Northern Ireland. The explosion took place at the end of a charity marathon run in which the soldiers had participated. All six soldiers were killed in the attack – four outright, one on his way to hospital and another later on in hospital.

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Lisburn is the headquarters of the British Army in Northern Ireland. Four of the dead were from the Royal Corps of Signals regiment whilst the other two were from the Green Howards and Royal Army Ordnance Corps regiments respectively. A booby-trap bomb was hidden under the Ford Transit van in which the soldiers were travelling, and was designed in such a way that the blast went upwards to cause maximum damage to the vehicle. Eleven civilian bystanders were injured, including a two-year-old child and 80-year-old man.

The bombing is sometimes referred to as the Lisburn “Fun Run” bombing.

 

On Wednesday 15 June 1988 at 8:50pm, an unmarked blue Ford Transit van carrying six off-duty British soldiers in civilian clothes drove off from a leisure centre carpark in Lisburn. The soldiers had just taken part in the “Lisburn Fun Run”, a 13-mile (21 km) charity half marathon held in the town. They had left the van unattended in the carpark, which was the start and finish point for the run.

It was there that an IRA Active Service Unit (ASU), who had been following the van, hid a booby-trap bomb underneath the vehicle. The half marathon and shorter “fun runs” were organised by Lisburn Borough Council, together with the YMCA, to raise funds for the disabled. There were 4,500 participants that day and at least 200 British Army personnel had been given leave to participate in the event.

Nine minutes later, the van stopped at traffic lights at Market Place, in Lisburn’s town centre. As the van moved on, the seven-pound (3.2 kg) booby-trap bomb detonated, turning the van into a massive fireball and instantly killing four of the soldiers as the vehicle disintegrated with the force of the blast. The Semtex device had been designed in a cone shape to channel the blast upwards, thereby causing maximum damage to the vehicle and the soldiers inside.

The area around Market Place was crowded with onlookers, including many teenagers and families with young children, although the biggest crowd was at the carpark. In all, about 10,000 onlookers had attended the charity run. There was pandemonium as frightened parents searched for their children, whilst others rushed to give aid to the dead and dying soldiers before fire engines and ambulances arrived.

Eleven civilian bystanders were injured in the attack, including a two-year-old child and an 80-year-old man. Another soldier died on the way to hospital whilst a sixth soldier died later that night after undergoing surgery for severe head injuries. The dead soldiers were stationed at Ebrington Barracks in Derry and were returning to base when the bomb went off. Four of the men – Sergeant Michael Winkler (31), Signalman Mark Clavey (24), Lance Corporal Graham Lambie (22), and Corporal William Patterson (22) – were from the Royal Signals regiment, whilst the other two – Corporal Ian Metcalf (36) and Lance Corporal Derek Green (20) – were from the Green Howards and Royal Army Ordnance Corps regiments respectively.

Lisburn is a mainly Ulster Protestant town, 14 miles (23 km) southwest of Belfast. It serves as the garrison headquarters of the British Army in Northern Ireland. Six months before the van bombing, a booby-trap bomb planted by the IRA killed Ulster Defence Association (UDA) leader John McMichael in the town.

The van bombing resulted in the greatest loss of life suffered by the British Army since 11 soldiers were killed in the Droppin Well Disco bombing on 6 December 1982.

In Belfast, on the same day as the Lisburn attack, the IRA shot dead the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF)’s East Belfast commander, Robert “Squeak” Seymour (33). This was retaliation for the UVF bombing of an Irish nationalist pub in which three Catholics died.

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Aftermath

On 16 June, the Provisional IRA Belfast Brigade claimed responsibility for the bombing, promising to wage “unceasing war” against the British security forces in Northern Ireland  Sinn Féin president Gerry Adams allegedly said that the IRA’s killing of the six soldiers was “vastly preferable” to killing members of the (locally-recruited) Ulster Defence Regiment (UDR) or Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC).

The leisure centre was forced to remain shut for a time after the loyalist Protestant Action Force (a covername of the UVF) issued a warning that they regarded Catholic staff working there as “legitimate targets”, inferring that they may have had a hand in the bombing. Lisburn mayor Councillor William Bleakes condemned the threats by the PAF.

That same day, Tom King, then Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, travelled to Lisburn where he held a meeting with Lieutenant General Sir John Waters, the British Army Commander in Northern Ireland, and senior RUC officers. They discussed the attack and proposals for heightened security. The soldiers had failed to follow proper security procedures, as they had left their vehicle unguarded for over two hours and had then driven off without having checked under it beforehand. After the Lisburn meeting, King flew to London where he reported directly to British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher, who described the attack as a “terrible atrocity”.  However, she rejected demands from Conservative members of Parliament to bring back internment, regarding the proposal as “a very serious step”.

In his statement to the House of Commons, Tom King suggested that there would have been a much higher death toll had the bomb exploded in the carpark, where thousands of people had gathered after the run.

The Republic of Ireland‘s government also strongly condemned the killings and extended its sympathy to the families of the dead soldiers. The bombing was a topic of debate in the Seanad Éireann on 16 June 1988. Bishop Cathal Daly of Down and Connor denounced the bombers and the killings in the “strongest possible terms”.

Questions were raised as to how the IRA knew the soldiers were attending the charity run in Lisburn, how they recognised their unmarked van, and how the unit was able to plant a bomb in the predominantly loyalist town without being spotted, despite the amount of people in the carpark.

The RUC believed that the bombers may have been wearing sports gear as they mingled with the crowd that evening; they appealed to onlookers who had attended the event to hand over any film they may have taken of the “fun run” in an attempt to identify the IRA bombers .

The following Saturday, between 1,000 and 2,000 people gathered in Lisburn town centre to attend a remembrance service for the six soldiers. A book of condolences was also opened

 

 

 

15th June – Deaths & Events in Northern Ireland Troubles

 

Key Events & Deaths on this day in Northern Ireland Troubles

15th June

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Sunday 15 June 1969

The Campaign for Social Justice published a second edition of ‘Northern Ireland The Plain Truth’, [PDF; ], which set out the allegations of discrimination against Catholics by Unionists in the region.

Thursday 15 June 1972

Representatives of the Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP) met William Whitelaw, then Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, in London and presented the Irish Republican Army (IRA) conditions for a meeting. Whitelaw accepted the proposals.

[The IRA made an announcement about the proposed ceasefire on Thursday 22 June 1972.]

Monday 15 June 1981

Sinn Féin (SF) issued a statement to say that a Republican prisoner would join the hunger strike every week.

[This was seen as a stepping-up of the hunger strike. Paddy Quinn, then an Irish Republican Army (IRA) prisoner joined the strike.]

Tuesday 15 June 1982

The Falkland Islands were recaptured by British forces.

[This brought an end to the Falkands War.]

Friday 15 June 1984

A member of the Irish National Liberation Army (INLA) and a Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) officer were killed in an exchange of gunfire after the RUC surrounded a house in Lenadoon Avenue, Belfast.

Monday 15 June 1987

Tom King was reappointed as Secretary for State for Northern Ireland. Nicholas Scott, formerly the Minister for State at the Northern Ireland Office, was replaced by John Stanley.

Sunday 15 June 1988

Lisburn Killings

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An Irish Republican Army (IRA) bomb in Lisburn killed six off-duty British Army soldiers.

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See IRA Lisburn “Fun Run” bombing

A member of the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) was killed by the IRA in Belfast.

Thursday 15 June 1989

European Elections

Elections to the European Parliament were conducted in Northern Ireland. [The percentage share of the vote was: Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) 29.95%; Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP) 25.5%; Ulster Unionist Party (UUP) 21.5%; Sinn Féin (SF) 9.2%; Alliance Party of Northern Ireland (APNI) 5.2%; Ecology Party (EP) 1.2%; Workers Party (WP) 1.1%; Others 1.6%; Turnout 48.3%. (See detailed results.)] Elections took place in the Republic of Ireland to the Dáil. Although Fianna Fáil (FF) gained that largest number of seats the party it did not win sufficient support to form a government.

[FF formed a government with the Progressive Democrat (PD) party on 12 July 1989.]

Friday 15 June 1990

Peter Brooke, then Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, met with representatives of the Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP). It was announced that talks would begin after the summer holidays.

Saturday 15 June 1991

(Sir) Ninian Stephen, then an Australian High Court judge and a former Governor-General of Australia, was named as the independent chairman for the strand of the forthcoming talks (later known as the Brooke / Mayhew talks) involving relationships between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland.

Tuesday 15 June 1993

The Standing Advisory Commission on Human Rights (SACHR) argued for changes to the way in which the House of Commons dealt with legislation on Northern Ireland matters.

[Following the introduction of Direct Rule the region was governed under a Temporary Provisions Act, and Northern Ireland legislation was introduce by way of ‘Orders in Council’. The main criticism of this procedure was that the legislation could not be amended in the House of Commons.]

Wednesday 15 June 1994

Albert Reynolds, then Taoiseach (Irish Prime Minister), sent a letter containing ‘clarification’ of the Downing Street Declaration to Gary McMichael, then leader of the Ulster Democratic Party (UDP).

The letter stated: “We do not seek to impose constitutional change by stealth or coercion, whether it be a united Ireland, or joint sovereignty or joint authority. What we seek is a new accommodation between the two traditions on this island …” (Belfast Telegraph, 24 June 1994).

Thursday 15 June 1995

There was a Westminster by-election in the constituency of North Down. The by-election was called following the death on 20 March 1995 of the sitting Member of Parliament James Kilfedder. The election was won by Robert McCartney, of the United Kingdom Unionist Party (UKUP).

[The turnout at 39 per cent was the lowest in the history of Northern Ireland for a parliamentary by-election.]

Saturday 15 June 1996

Manchester Bombing

The Irish Republican Army (IRA) exploded a bomb in Manchester, which destroyed a large part of the city centre and injured 200 people.

The bomb was estimated to have contained one-and-a-half tonnes of home-made explosives. Although a warning of one hour and twenty minutes was received by a local television station injuries were still caused by the sheer scale of the explosion.

In response to the Manchester bomb the Ulster Freedom Fighters (UFF) announced that it was putting its members ‘on alert’.

Niall Donovan (28), a Catholic man, was stabbed to death near Dungannon, County Tyrone.

Tuesday 15 June 1999

In a keynote speech at Stranmillis College in Belfast Tony Blair, then British Prime Minister, said the governments would “have to look for another way forward” if the devolution deadline were missed.

Blair also invited Portadown Orangemen and representatives of the Garvaghy Road Residents’ Coalition (GRRC) to new talks at Stormont in a further attempt to resolve the dispute surrounding the Drumcree parade planned for 4 July 1999.

Bertie Ahern, then Taoiseach (Irish Prime Minister), said the Irish and British governments would “set aside” the Good Friday Agreement and seek alternative means of political progress if a breakthrough was not made by 30 June 1999. Ahern told the Dáil the decommissioning issue had now been “debated to death”.

  

——————————————

Remembering all innocent victims of the Troubles

Today is the anniversary of the death of the following people killed as a results of the conflict in Northern Ireland

“To live in hearts we leave behind is not to die

– Thomas Campbell

To the innocent on the list – Your memory will live forever

– To the Paramilitaries –

There are many things worth living for, a few things worth dying for, but nothing worth killing for.

15 People lost their lives on the 15th June between 1974 – 1975

——————————————

15 June 1973
Michael Wilson  (18)

Protestant
Status: Ulster Defence Association (UDA),

Killed by: Ulster Defence Association (UDA)
Shot at the home of his relative, Ulster Defence Association leader Tommy Herron, Ravenswood Park, Braniel, Belfast. Internal Ulster Defence Association dispute.

——————————————

15 June 1974


Patrick Cunningham   (26)

Catholic
Status: Civilian (Civ),

Killed by: British Army (BA)
Shot by British Army (BA) foot patrol while in disused graveyard near his home, Benburb, County Tyrone

——————————————

15 June 1982


Hugh Cummings  (39)

Protestant
Status: Ulster Defence Regiment (UDR), Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Off duty. Shot near his workplace while walking along Lower Main Street, Strabane, County Tyrone

——————————————

15 June 1984


Michael Todd   (22)

Protestant
Status: Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC),

Killed by: Irish National Liberation Army (INLA)
Shot during gun battle after Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) members surrounded house, Lenadoon Avenue, Belfast.

——————————————

15 June 1984


Paul McCann   (20)

Catholic
Status: Irish National Liberation Army (INLA),

Killed by: Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC)
Shot during gun battle after Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) members surrounded house, Lenadoon Avenue, Belfast

——————————————

15 June 1985


Willis Agnew   (53)

Protestant
Status: Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Off duty. Shot while sitting in stationary car outside friend’s home, Gortin Road, Kilrea, County Derry.

——————————————

15 June 1987
Nathaniel Cush   (47)

Protestant
Status: ex-Ulster Defence Regiment (xUDR),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Killed by booby trap bomb attached to his car outside his workplace, Tomb Street, off Corporation Street, Belfast.

——————————————

15 June 1988
Robert Seymour   (33)

Protestant
Status: Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Shot at his shop, Woodstock Road, Belfast.

——————————————

15 June 1988


Derek Green  (20)

nfNI
Status: British Army (BA),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Off duty. Killed by booby trap bomb attached to British Army (BA) minibus, Market Square, Lisburn, County Antrim.

See IRA Lisburn “Fun Run” bombing

——————————————

15 June 1988

Michael Winkler   (31)

nfNI
Status: British Army (BA),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Off duty. Killed by booby trap bomb attached to British Army (BA) minibus, Market Square, Lisburn, County Antrim.

See IRA Lisburn “Fun Run” bombing

——————————————

15 June 1988


 Mark Clavey   (24)

nfNI
Status: British Army (BA),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Off duty. Killed by booby trap bomb attached to British Army (BA) minibus, Market Square, Lisburn, County Antrim.

See IRA Lisburn “Fun Run” bombing

——————————————

15 June 1988


Graham Lambie   (22)

nfNI
Status: British Army (BA),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Off duty. Killed by booby trap bomb attached to British Army (BA) minibus, Market Square, Lisburn, County Antrim.

See IRA Lisburn “Fun Run” bombing

——————————————

15 June 1988


William Paterson   (22)

nfNI
Status: British Army (BA),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Off duty. Killed by booby trap bomb attached to British Army (BA) minibus, Market Square, Lisburn, County Antrim.

See IRA Lisburn “Fun Run” bombing

——————————————

15 June 1988


Ian Metcalfe  (36)

nfNI
Status: British Army (BA),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Off duty. Killed by booby trap bomb attached to British Army (BA) minibus, Market Square, Lisburn, County Antrim.

See IRA Lisburn “Fun Run” bombing

——————————————

15 June 1989
Adam Gilbert  (21)

nfNI
Status: British Army (BA),

Killed by: British Army (BA)
Shot in error, by other British Army (BA) member, firing at stolen car, while on BA foot patrol, junction of New Lodge Road and Antrim Road, Belfast.

——————————————

 

 

 

 

ISIS Freak Show -The Bulldozer & Jihad ” Little ” John

The Bulldozer & Jihad ” Little John ” The Bulldozer ———————————————— ISIS executioner…

Source: ISIS Freak Show -The Bulldozer & Jihad ” Little ” John

Nanking Massacre – Japanese War Crimes

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Coleraine Bombing 12th June 1973 – The forgotten massacre of the Troubles

1973 Coleraine bombings On 12 June 1973 On 12 June 1973 the Provisional IRA detonated two carbombs in Coleraine, County Londonderry, Northern Ireland. The first bomb exploded at 3:00 pm on Railway …

Source: Coleraine Bombing 12th June 1973 – The forgotten massacre of the Troubles

Robert “Basher” Bates 12th Dec 1948 – 11th June 1997. Shankill Butcher

Robert William Bates ” Basher ” Robert William Bates (nicknamed “Basher”) (12 December 1948 – 11 June 1997) was an Ulster loyalist from Belfast, Northern Ireland. He was a m…

Source: Robert “Basher” Bates 12th Dec 1948 – 11th June 1997. Shankill Butcher

14th June – Deaths & Events in Northern Ireland Troubles

Key Events & Deaths on this day in Northern Ireland Troubles

14th June

——————————-

Wednesday 14 June 1972

John Hume and Paddy Devlin, both members of the Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP), held a meeting with representatives of the Irish Republican Army (IRA) in Derry.

At that meeting the IRA representatives outlined their conditions for talks with the British Government. The conditions were that: there should be no restriction on who represented the IRA; there should be an independent witness at the meeting; the meeting should not be held at Stormont; and ‘political status’ should be granted to republican prisoners.

Thursday 14 June 1973

James Callaghan, then shadow Foreign Secretary, speaking in the House of Commons, said that Britain might reconsider its position with regard to Northern Ireland if the Assembly was ‘sabotaged’.

Monday 14 June 1976

Merlyn Rees, then Secretary of Sate for Northern Ireland, gave details in the House of Commons of a committee which had been set up to see how the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) could be more effective in enforcing law and order in Northern Ireland.

[This was an additional step in the policy of ‘criminalisation’.]

Thursday 14 June 1984

European Parliament Election

The election to the European Parliament took place in Northern Ireland with the whole region treated as a single constituency under a system of proportional representation.

[When the count was completed, Ian Paisley, then leader of the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP), John Taylor, of the Ulster Unionist Party (UUP), and John Hume, then leader of the Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP), were elected as MEPs. A total of eight candidates had contested the election]

Friday 14 June 1985

The Irish Republican Army (IRA) exploded a large bomb, estimated at 1,000 pounds, in the centre of Belfast.

Thursday 14 June 1990

The Home Office in London announced that there were irregularities in the forensic evidence that led to the convictions of the Maguire family.

Wednesday 14 June 1995

The Irish Times (a Dublin based newspaper) carried a report of an interview with Gerry Adams, then President of Sinn Féin (SF).

Adams was reported as saying that the decommissioning of Irish Republican Army (IRA) weapons as a precondition to SF entry into political talks was never mentioned by the British government before the IRA’s ceasefire on 31 August 1994. He went on to say that if such a precondition had been raised,

“… it is possible [that] there would have been no IRA cessation on September 1 last year.”

Friday 14 June 1996

The Northern Ireland Forum met for the first time in Belfast. Sinn Féin was excluded because of the absence of an Irish Republican Army (IRA) ceasefire.

There are objections by the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) and the United Kingdom Unionists (UKU) to the appointment of John Gorman, a Catholic Ulster Unionist Party (UUP) delegate, to the chair of the Forum.

Sunday 14 June 1998

A Protestant family living in a stately home on the outskirts of Derry suffered a third petrol bomb attack. It was believed that Nationalist living in a nearby housing estate were responsible for the attacks.

Monday 14 June 1999

sandy row

Two men escaped injury when shots were fired at then in Sandy Row, south Belfast.

The Progressive Unionist Party (PUP) later stated that “it is more that likely that UVF personnel carried this [attack] out”.

[The shooting was believed to be connected to the killing on 11 June 1997 of Robert ‘Basher’ Bates.]

Robert Basher Bates

See Robert ” Basher” Bates

Counting was completed and the result of the European election was announced. The Methodist Church called for direct talks between the Orange Order and the Garvaghy Road Residents’ Coalition (GRRC).

 

——————————————

Remembering all innocent victims of the Troubles

Today is the anniversary of the death of the following people killed as a results of the conflict in Northern Ireland

“To live in hearts we leave behind is not to die

– Thomas Campbell

To the innocent on the list – Your memory will live forever

– To the Paramilitaries –

There are many things worth living for, a few things worth dying for, but nothing worth killing for.

3 People lost their lives on the 14th   June between 1974 – 1975

——————————————

14 June 1974
Peter Meaghan  (37)

Catholic
Status: Civilian (Civ),

Killed by: Ulster Freedom Fighters (UFF)
Shot from passing car while walking along Divis Street, Belfast.

——————————————

14 June 1975


Margaret O’Neill  (56)

Catholic
Status: Civilian (Civ),

Killed by: Ulster Defence Association (UDA)
Shot from passing car during gun attack on pedestrians, New Lodge Road, Belfast

——————————————

14 June 1975
Joseph Branagh  (35)

Protestant
Status: Civilian (Civ),

Killed by: non-specific Republican group (REP)
Security man. Shot outside Garden Bar, Meadow Street, Tiger’s Bay, Belfast.

——————————————

 

David Copeland – “London Nail Bomber”

David Copeland

————————-

David Copeland London Nail Bomber

————————-

David Copeland (born 15 May 1976) is a British Neo-Nazi militant who became known as the “London Nail Bomber” after a 13-day bombing campaign in April 1999 aimed at London’s black, South Asian and gay communities that resulted in three people killed and more than a hundred injured. Widely labelled a terrorist.

Copeland was a former member of two far-right political groups, the British National Party and then the National Socialist Movement.

Copeland with ex-BNP party leader John Tyndall resized

David Copeland with ex-BNP party leader John Tyndall

 

Over three successive weekends between 17 and 30 April 1999, Copeland placed homemade nail bombs, each containing up to 1,500 four-inch nails, in holdalls that he left in public spaces around London.

bomb going off

The first bomb was placed outside the Iceland supermarket in Electric Avenue, Brixton, an area of south London with a large black population.

The second was in Brick Lane in the East End of London, which has a large Bangladeshi community.

Victim  Collage

The third was inside the Admiral Duncan pub in Soho‘s Old Compton Street, the heart of London’s gay community. The bombs killed three people, including a pregnant woman, and injured 140, four of whom lost limbs.

Copeland was diagnosed by five psychiatrists as having paranoid schizophrenia, while one diagnosed a personality disorder not serious enough to avoid a charge of murder. His plea of guilty to manslaughter on the grounds of diminished responsibility was not accepted by the prosecution or jury.

He was convicted of murder on 30 June 2000, and given six concurrent life sentences.

In 2007 the High Court ruled that he must serve at least 50 years.

He appealed the ruling, which the Court of Appeal upheld in 2011

David Copeland
David Copeland.jpg

Photograph of Copeland taken after his arrest in April 1999
Born (1976-05-15) 15 May 1976 (age 40)
Isleworth, London
Nationality British
Other names London Nail Bomber
Occupation Engineer’s assistant
Known for Planting three bombs in public spaces in London in April 1999, killing three and injuring 140
Criminal charge Three counts of murder, three counts of planting bombs.
Criminal penalty Six life sentences, minimum term 50 years

 

Early life

Copeland was born in Isleworth, in the London Borough of Hounslow. His father was an engineer and his mother was a housewife. He lived for most of his childhood with his parents and two brothers in Yateley, Hampshire, attending Yateley School, where he obtained seven GCSEs before leaving in 1992.

British journalist Nick Ryan writes that, as a teenager, Copeland feared he was homosexual; when his parents sang along to the Flintstones theme on television—”we’ll have a gay old time”—he reportedly believed they were sending him a message.

As an older teenager, he began listening to heavy metal bands and earned himself the nickname “Mr. Angry.” Ryan writes that the staff at his school have no recollection of him during this period. It was as if he had become invisible.

After his arrest in 1999, he told psychiatrists that he had started having sadistic dreams when he was about 12, including dreams or fantasies that he had been reincarnated as an SS officer with access to women as slaves.

He left school to a series of failed jobs, reportedly blaming immigrants for the difficult job market. He became involved in petty crime, drinking, and drug abuse. His father was eventually able to get him a job as an engineer’s assistant on the London Underground.

BNP and NSM

Turnerdiariescover.jpg

He joined the far-right British National Party in May 1997, at the age of 21. He acted as a steward at a BNP meeting, in the course of which he came into contact with the BNP leadership and was photographed standing next to John Tyndall, then leader. It was during this period that Copeland read The Turner Diaries, and first learned how to make bombs using fireworks with alarm clocks as timers, after downloading a so-called terrorists’ handbook from the Web.

He left the BNP in 1998, regarding it as not hardline enough because it was not willing to engage in paramilitary action, and joined the smaller National Socialist Movement, becoming its regional leader for Hampshire just weeks before the start of his bombing campaign. It was around this time that he visited his family doctor and was prescribed anti-depressants after telling the doctor he felt he was losing his mind.

Terrorist attacks

1999 London nail bombings
Copelandnail.jpg

X-rays show a nail from one of Copeland’s bombs embedded in a baby’s brain.
Location Brixton, Brick Lane and Soho areas of London
Date April 17, 1999 (1999-04-17)-
April 30, 1999 (1999-04-30)
Target Black British, British Bengali and Gay populations
Attack type
White supremacist terrorism, bombings, murder
Weapons nail bombs
Deaths 3
Non-fatal injuries
162
Assailants David Copeland
Motive attempt at starting a race war in England

Copeland’s first attack, on Saturday, 17 April 1999, was in Electric Avenue, Brixton. He made his bomb using explosives from fireworks, taping it inside a sports bag before priming it and leaving it at Brixton Market.

The Brixton Market traders became suspicious, and one of them moved the bag to a less crowded area. Two further moves of the bomb occurred by unconvinced traders, including the bomb being removed from the bag, which is when it ended up at the Iceland supermarket.

It detonated just as the police arrived, at 5:25 in the evening. Forty-eight people were injured, many of them seriously because of the four-inch nails Copeland had packed around the bomb.

Copelandnail.jpg

One 23-month-old toddler had a nail driven through his skull into his brain (see right).

His second bomb, on the following Saturday, 24 April, was aimed at Brick Lane, the centre of the Bengali area in the east end of London. There is a famous street market on Sundays, but Copeland mistakenly tried to plant the bomb on Saturday when the street was less busy.

Unwilling to change the timer on the bomb, he left it instead in a black Reebok bag on Hanbury Street. There it was picked up by a man, who brought it to the police station on Brick Lane, which was shut. He had placed it in the boot of his car which was parked outside number 42 Brick Lane, where it exploded.

Thirteen people were injured, but there were no fatalities.

Andrea Dykes, four months pregnant, was killed and her husband Julian seriously injured.

 

The third and final bomb was planted and detonated on the evening of Friday, 30 April at the Admiral Duncan pub in Old Compton Street, the centre of London’s gay village when the pub and street outside were very crowded because the evening was the start of a Bank Holiday weekend.

admiral duncan old compton street

Andrea Dykes, 27, four months pregnant with her first child, died along with her friends and hosts for the evening, Nick Moore, 31, and John Light, 32, who was to be the baby’s godfather. Andrea’s husband, Julian, was seriously injured.

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The four friends from Essex had met up in the Admiral Duncan to celebrate Andrea’s pregnancy, when the bomb exploded after being taped inside a sports bag and left near the bar. A total of seventy-nine people were injured, many of them seriously.

Four of the survivors had to have limbs amputated.

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Arrest and conviction

 

wanted poster cropped

The Metropolitan Police Anti-Terrorist Branch identified Copeland from CCTV footage of Brixton. The image was given wide publicity on 29 April which caused Copeland to bring forward his bombing of the Admiral Duncan to Friday evening.

CCTV footage copeland cropped 2

Paul Mifsud, a work colleague of Copeland, recognised him from the footage and alerted the police about anhour and 20 minutes before the pub bombing. Copeland was arrested that night once the police obtained his address, a rented room in Sunnybank Road, Cove, Hampshire.

CCTV footage copeland cropped

He admitted carrying out the three bombings as soon as he opened the door to the police, telling them, “Yeah, they were all down to me. I did them on my own.” He showed them his room, where two Nazi flags were hanging on a wall, along with a collection of photographs and newspaper stories about bombs.

His mental state was assessed at Broadmoor Hospital. There was no dispute that he was mentally ill, but the extent of it and whether he was unable to take responsibility for his actions became a matter of contention.

Five psychiatrists said he was suffering from paranoid schizophrenia, but prosecutors did not accept a plea of guilty to manslaughter on the grounds of diminished responsibility. A sixth psychiatrist said Copeland had a personality disorder but it did not diminish his responsibility.

The jury convicted him of three murders and three offences of planting bombs, and he was sentenced to six life sentences on 30 June 2000. The trial judge spoke of his doubt that it would ever be safe to release him.

On 2 March 2007, the High Court decided that he should remain in prison for at least 50 years, ruling out his release until 2049 at the earliest, when he would be 73.

Copeland appealed and on 28 June 2011, the Court of Appeal upheld the ruling.

Motivation

Copeland's bedroom was draped in Nazi flags.png

Copeland’s bedroom was draped in Nazi flags

Copeland maintained he had worked alone and had not discussed his plans with anyone. During police interviews, he admitted holding neo-Nazi views, and talked of his desire to spread fear and trigger a race war. He told police,

“My main intent was to spread fear, resentment and hatred throughout this country; it was to cause a racial war.”

He said,

“If you’ve read The Turner Diaries, you know the year 2000 there’ll be the uprising and all that, racial violence on the streets. My aim was political. It was to cause a racial war in this country. There’d be a backlash from the ethnic minorities, then all the white people will go out and vote BNP.”

 

After his arrest, Copeland wrote to BBC correspondent Graeme McLagan, denying that he had schizophrenia, and telling McLagan that the “Zog,” or Zionist Occupation Government, was pumping him full of drugs in order to sweep him under the carpet. He wrote,

“I bomb the blacks, Pakis, degenerates. I would have bombed the Jews as well if I’d got a chance.”

 

Ryan writes that Copeland’s first idea had been to bomb the Notting Hill Carnival, after seeing images of the 1996 Atlanta Olympics bombing. When asked by police why he had targeted ethnic minorities, he replied,

“Because I don’t like them, I want them out of this country, I believe in the master race.”

While on remand Copeland also wrote to crime writer Bernard O’Mahoney, who posed as a woman called Patsy Scanlon in the hope of duping Copeland into confessing. According to The Independent, the letters helped secure a conviction by giving prosecutors evidence about Copeland’s state of mind.

Further conviction

In June 2014, Copeland attacked a fellow inmate at HM Prison Belmarsh with a shiv – an improvised weapon made from razor blades attached to a toothbrush handle. In October 2015, he pleaded guilty to wounding with intent and was sentenced to a further three years in prison, of which he will serve 18 months

13th June – Deaths & Events in Northern Ireland Troubles

Key Events & Deaths on this day in Northern Ireland Troubles

13th  June

————————————

Sunday 13 June 1971

In defiance of a government ban, members of the Orange Order attempted to march through the mainly Catholic town of Dungiven, County Londonderry.

There was a riot between the marchers and members of the British Army (BA) and the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC).

Tuesday 13 June 1972

The Irish Republican Army (IRA) invited William Whitelaw, then Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, to meet them in ‘Free Derry’.

Whitelaw rejected the offer and reaffirmed in a statement the British government’s policy not to “let part of the United Kingdom … default from the rule of law”.

[The offer gave the Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP) the opportunity to try to arrange talks between the IRA and the British government. These moves took place over the following days.]

Tuesday 13 June 1978

Amnesty International Report

In a report Amnesty International claimed that people held at Castlereagh Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) detention centre on the outskirts of Belfast had been ill-treated. Kenneth Newman, then Chief Constable of the RUC, rejected the claims.

[Later on Roy Mason, then Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, promised an inquiry into the allegations.]

Saturday 13 June 1981

A booby trap bomb was planted on a car being used by Lord Gardiner during a visit to Belfast. The Irish Republican Army (IRA) attack failed when the bomb fell of the car and failed to explode.

Monday 13 June 1983

At the Northern Ireland Office (NIO) Lord Gowrie, and John Patten are replaced by the Earl of Mansfield and Chris Patten.

Friday 13 June 1986

The Loyalist Workers’ Committee ’86 issued a warning to delegates travelling from the Republic of Ireland to the ICTU conference in Belfast to ‘stay at home’

Monday 13 June 1988

Representatives of the Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP) and Sinn Féin (SF) met for further talks in Belfast.

Tuesday 13 June 1989

Brian Mawhinney, then Minister for Education, announced reforms which would allow financial support for integrated education.

Wednesday 13 June 1990

Terence O’Neill, Lord of the Maine and a former Northern Ireland Prime Minister, died in Hampshire, England.

Friday 13 June 1997

Martin Gavin (21), a Catholic civilian and a member of the travelling community, was viciously attacked by five Loyalists and left for dead.

Gavin was approached by the men who called him a “Fenian bastard” and then savagely beat him, fracturing his skull, before cutting his throat, his head and his hand. Gavin required 50 stitches in his neck and head.

[This sectarian attack was similar in its manner to those that had been carried out by the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) ‘Shankill Butchers’ gang during the 1970s. The attack came a few days after the killing, on Wednesday 11 June 1997, of Robert (‘Basher’) Bates who had been a leading member of the ‘Shankill Butchers’.]

Robert Basher Bates

See Robert “Basher” Bates – Shankill Butcher

The Continuity Irish Republican Army (CIRA) alleged that two of its members had been “abducted and interrogated” by the (provisional) IRA

Sunday 13 June 1999

Paul “Bull” Downey (37)

was shot dead in Newry, County Down. [It was alleged in the media that Downey was a major drugs dealer and there was also speculation that he had been killed by Republican paramilitaries. Unionists blamed the Irish Republican Army (IRA) for the killing.]

 

——————————————

Remembering all innocent victims of the Troubles

Today is the anniversary of the death of the following people killed as a results of the conflict in Northern Ireland

“To live in hearts we leave behind is not to die

– Thomas Campbell

To the innocent on the list – Your memory will live forever

– To the Paramilitaries –

There are many things worth living for, a few things worth dying for, but nothing worth killing for.

3 People lost their lives on the 13th  June between 1975 – 1999

——————————————

13 June 1975


Michelle O’Connor  (3)

Catholic
Status: Civilian (Civ),

Killed by: non-specific Loyalist group (LOY)
Killed by booby trap bomb attached to her father’s car, outside their home, Ava Crescent, Ballynafeigh, Belfast.

——————————————

13 June 1980
Michael Wright  (25)

Protestant
Status: Ulster Defence Association (UDA),

Killed by: Ulster Defence Association (UDA)
Killed in premature bomb explosion at community centre, Highfield Drive, Highfield, Belfast.

——————————————

13 June 1999
Paul Downey  (37)

Catholic
Status: Civilian (Civ),

Killed by: non-specific Republican group (REP)
Found shot by the side of Carrowmannan Road, near Belleek, County Armagh.

——————————————